One of Syria's leading businessmen says its economy is being crippled by foreign sanctions and that the government is slowly disintegrating.
Faisal al-Qudsi, the son of a former Syrian president, told the BBC the military action could only last six months and then there would be "millions of people on the streets".
But he said President Bashar al-Assad's government would fight to the end.
The 11-month uprising against Mr Assad has claimed thousands of lives.
Human rights groups have put the figure at more than 7,000, while the government says at least 2,000 members of the security forces have been killed combating "armed gangs and terrorists".
The violence continued on Saturday, when Syrian troops fired on mourners during a funeral that turned into a mass demonstration in Damascus. Activists say at least one person was killed there and some 20 across the country.
'Catch 22'
Speaking to the BBC's Weekend World Today programme, Mr Qudsi said the economy had been crippled by sanctions and that although Iran was sending money, it was not enough.
Mr Qudsi now chairs a London-based investment banking firm and has been heavily involved in private sector investment in Syria.
He said the uprising had destroyed tourism and reserves of the central bank have come down from $22bn (£14bn) to about $10bn and it is dwindling very rapidly," Mr Qudsi said.
He said the military phase against protesters could only last another six months "because the army is getting tired and will go nowhere". BBC
18.2.12
A voz das gentes de Azawad
Le Mouvement National pour la Libération de l’Azawad (MNLA) affirme avoir la preuve que l’Etat malien bénéficie du soutien d’un Etat puissant qui lui apporte un soutien aérien pour l’acheminement du matériel milliaire et des vivres pour son armée. En effet, dans la nuit du 15 février 2012, vers l’aube les Hommes du MNLA entourant la ville de Tessalit ont aperçu et identifié un avion d’un Etat puissant qui a largué sa cargaison pour les milliaires maliens assiégée dans la base d’Amachach (Tessalit).
Le mouvement affirme disposer de plusieurs informations sur cette affaire qu’il ne souhaite pas divulguer dans les médias.
Le MNLA condamne fermement et dénonce cette partialité en faveur de l’Etat malien. Le MNLA considère que cette intervention n'est pas juste surtout pour un Etat étranger considérée comme étant mieux indiquée pour trouver une issue définitive à la question azawadienne , gage de la stabilité de la sous - région.
Nous informons aussi la Communauté internationale que l'Etat malien fait recours à des mercenaires ukrainiens pour l’entretien et le pilotage des avions de combats qui font des victimes civiles, tuent des animaux et détruisent des campements et véhicules appartenant à des civils notamment dans les localités de Intedeyni, Agabo, Ouzen, Alakat et environs de Tessalit).
Le mouvement National pour la Libération de l’Azawad (MNLA) lance une mise en garde sur les conséquences de cette ingérence étrangère, et lance un appel à l'État Ukrainien à prendre la responsabilité de ses ressortissants ne devant pas prendre parti en faveur de l'Etat du Mali dans la répression du peuple Azawadien et l'occupation de ses terres.
Enfin, le MNLA réitère l’entière disponibilité du peuple de l’Azawad à défendre sans réserves sa patrie pour un devenir meilleur y compris par les moyens juridiques
Ménaka, le 16 Février 2012
Le Président du bureau Politique du MNLA
Mahmoud Ag Ghaly
Le mouvement affirme disposer de plusieurs informations sur cette affaire qu’il ne souhaite pas divulguer dans les médias.
Le MNLA condamne fermement et dénonce cette partialité en faveur de l’Etat malien. Le MNLA considère que cette intervention n'est pas juste surtout pour un Etat étranger considérée comme étant mieux indiquée pour trouver une issue définitive à la question azawadienne , gage de la stabilité de la sous - région.
Nous informons aussi la Communauté internationale que l'Etat malien fait recours à des mercenaires ukrainiens pour l’entretien et le pilotage des avions de combats qui font des victimes civiles, tuent des animaux et détruisent des campements et véhicules appartenant à des civils notamment dans les localités de Intedeyni, Agabo, Ouzen, Alakat et environs de Tessalit).
Le mouvement National pour la Libération de l’Azawad (MNLA) lance une mise en garde sur les conséquences de cette ingérence étrangère, et lance un appel à l'État Ukrainien à prendre la responsabilité de ses ressortissants ne devant pas prendre parti en faveur de l'Etat du Mali dans la répression du peuple Azawadien et l'occupation de ses terres.
Enfin, le MNLA réitère l’entière disponibilité du peuple de l’Azawad à défendre sans réserves sa patrie pour un devenir meilleur y compris par les moyens juridiques
Ménaka, le 16 Février 2012
Le Président du bureau Politique du MNLA
Mahmoud Ag Ghaly
A causa tuaregue de Azawad
Après le succès de la manifestation de Paris (France) en faveur des populations de l'Azawad, la section du MNLA en Belgique organise le 26 Février 2012 une autre manifestation pour dénoncer les crimes du Mali dans l'Azawad depuis un demi-siècle. La manifestation aura pour objectif de condamner les actions du Mali qui a fait de l'Azawad un terrain de terrorisme et la plaque tournante des trafics illicites. Elle sera également l'occasion de tirer une sonnette d'alarme sur la crise humanitaire actuelle qui touche l'Azawad.
Mesdames et Messieurs,
Je vous confirme que la manifestation devant l'ambassade du Mali aura bien lieu le 26 février 2012 de 14h00 jusqu'à 16h00 à Bruxelles, Belgique.
L'adresse est: Avenue Molière n°487, 1050, IXELLES, Bruxelles
Soyez nombreux à cette date-là pour:
- Dénoncer l'injustice que subit le peuple de l'Azawad;
- Dénoncer le génocide exercé par le régime malien en complicité avec d'autres régimes, dont celui du Sénégal;
- Dénoncer la campagne de désinformation et de diffamation exercée par le régime du Mali contre le peuple de l'Azawad;
- Informer l'opinion nationale et internationale de la réalité de la révolution du peuple de l'Azawad déclenchée depuis 1963 et qui continue encore aujourd'hui.
Et vu l'urgence de la situation humanitaire des réfugiés et des citoyens de l'Azawad, et la campagne de désinformation acharnée menée par le régime du Mali à l'égard du peuple de l'Azawad, on vous demande d'être nombreux le 26 février!
Vive l'Etat d'Azawad!
Ibrahim Ag Wanasnate
Représentant en Belgique du MNLA
Membre Fondateur et Vice-Président délégué pour les Touaregs
de l'Assemblée Mondiale Amazighe
Mesdames et Messieurs,
Je vous confirme que la manifestation devant l'ambassade du Mali aura bien lieu le 26 février 2012 de 14h00 jusqu'à 16h00 à Bruxelles, Belgique.
L'adresse est: Avenue Molière n°487, 1050, IXELLES, Bruxelles
Soyez nombreux à cette date-là pour:
- Dénoncer l'injustice que subit le peuple de l'Azawad;
- Dénoncer le génocide exercé par le régime malien en complicité avec d'autres régimes, dont celui du Sénégal;
- Dénoncer la campagne de désinformation et de diffamation exercée par le régime du Mali contre le peuple de l'Azawad;
- Informer l'opinion nationale et internationale de la réalité de la révolution du peuple de l'Azawad déclenchée depuis 1963 et qui continue encore aujourd'hui.
Et vu l'urgence de la situation humanitaire des réfugiés et des citoyens de l'Azawad, et la campagne de désinformation acharnée menée par le régime du Mali à l'égard du peuple de l'Azawad, on vous demande d'être nombreux le 26 février!
Vive l'Etat d'Azawad!
Ibrahim Ag Wanasnate
Représentant en Belgique du MNLA
Membre Fondateur et Vice-Président délégué pour les Touaregs
de l'Assemblée Mondiale Amazighe
Ouattara à frente da CEDEAO
La Communauté économique des États d'Afrique de l'Ouest (Cedeao) a élu à sa tête le président ivoirien Alassane Ouattara et exprimé sa préoccupation face à la détérioration de la sécurité au Sahel, lors d'un sommet de deux jours qui s'est achevé%
La Communauté économique des Etats d'Afrique de l'Ouest (Cédéao) a élu à sa tête le président ivoirien Alassane Ouattara et exprimé sa préoccupation face à la détérioration de la sécurité au Sahel, lors d'un sommet de deux jours qui s'est achevé vendredi à Abuja. "Nous avons élu à l'unanimité le président de Côte d'Ivoire", a déclaré le président sortant, le chef de l'Etat nigérian Goodluck Jonathan.
L'élection de M. Ouattara à la tête de la Cédéao, qui regroupe quinze pays, marque le retour sur la scène régionale de la Côte d'Ivoire, en crise politique depuis la fin 2002 et secouée en 2010-2011 par de violents troubles. M. Ouattara est arrivé au pouvoir en avril 2011 après une crise post-électorale ayant fait quelque 3.000 morts. Il était le favori pour ce poste d'une durée d'un an renouvelable.
"A travers cette élection, vous venez de manifester une fois de plus le soutien et les encouragements des pays de notre organisation à la Côte d'Ivoire, dans ses efforts de réconciliation et de reconstruction", a déclaré M. Ouattara. "Au plan sécuritaire, notre sous-région fait face à de nouvelles menaces qui entraînent la résurgence de conflits anciens, fragilisent des pans entiers de nos sociétés et menacent nos capacités de défense", a ajouté le nouveau président de la Cédéao. "C'est le lieu d'appeler à la définition d'une politique de défense commune, à la mutualisation de nos moyens, afin de juguler la poussée du terrorisme, de reprendre le contrôle de nos côtes livrées à la piraterie maritime et de contenir les flux d'armes qui aggravent la criminalité et le grand banditisme", a-t-il ajouté.
La Cedeao condamne "la rébellion du MNLA"
Les chefs d'Etat et de gouvernement de la Cédéao ont de leur côté "exprimé leurs profondes préoccupations face à la détérioration de la sécurité et de la situation humanitaire dans la région du Sahel, notamment au Mali et au Niger", selon le communiqué final. Le sommet, qui a réuni une dizaine de chefs d'Etat et de gouvernement, "a fermement condamné la rébellion du MNLA (Mouvement national de libération de l'Azawad, ndlr) au Mali", en soulignant "son appui sans réserve aux efforts déployés par le Mali pour défendre son intégrité territoriale".
Le sommet de la Cédéao "a exprimé sa préoccupation face au flux de réfugiés et de déplacés internes, ainsi qu'à l'aggravation de l'insécurité alimentaire dans la région du Sahel". Les conditions sécuritaires se dégradent rapidement dans la zone sahélienne en raison d'une nouvelle rébellion touareg au Mali et des attaques de la branche maghrébine d'Al-Qaïda (Aqmi).
Les violences ont provoqué un exode intérieur mais aussi vers d'autres pays. Quelque 44.000 personnes ont ainsi fui vers la Mauritanie, le Niger et le Burkina Faso, alors qu'elles étaient 22.000 le 7 février, selon le Haut commissariat de l'ONU pour les réfugiés (HCR) qui entend renforcer son aide.
Une aide financière de 3 millions de dollars
Une situation d'autant plus préoccupante que 12 millions de personnes dans les pays sahéliens sont menacées par la famine. Le conseil de sécurité et de médiation de la Cédéao a approuvé une aide financière de 3 millions de dollars pour les victimes de la crise alimentaire et des attaques rebelles dans les pays du Sahel.
Concernant la piraterie, en hausse dans le golfe de Guinée, le sommet a souligné l'importance "du rôle de la coordination de la Cédéao pour combattre ce fléau".
Les participants ont par ailleurs élu l'ancien ministre des Finances burkinabè Kadré Ouédraogo président de la commission de la Cédéao, un poste de quatre ans jusqu'alors occupé par le Ghanéen James Victor Gbeho. M. Ouédraogo est actuellement ambassadeur extraordinaire plénipotentiaire du Burkina Faso en Belgique, aux Pays-Bas et au Royaume-Uni.
AFP Jeune Afrique
La Communauté économique des Etats d'Afrique de l'Ouest (Cédéao) a élu à sa tête le président ivoirien Alassane Ouattara et exprimé sa préoccupation face à la détérioration de la sécurité au Sahel, lors d'un sommet de deux jours qui s'est achevé vendredi à Abuja. "Nous avons élu à l'unanimité le président de Côte d'Ivoire", a déclaré le président sortant, le chef de l'Etat nigérian Goodluck Jonathan.
L'élection de M. Ouattara à la tête de la Cédéao, qui regroupe quinze pays, marque le retour sur la scène régionale de la Côte d'Ivoire, en crise politique depuis la fin 2002 et secouée en 2010-2011 par de violents troubles. M. Ouattara est arrivé au pouvoir en avril 2011 après une crise post-électorale ayant fait quelque 3.000 morts. Il était le favori pour ce poste d'une durée d'un an renouvelable.
"A travers cette élection, vous venez de manifester une fois de plus le soutien et les encouragements des pays de notre organisation à la Côte d'Ivoire, dans ses efforts de réconciliation et de reconstruction", a déclaré M. Ouattara. "Au plan sécuritaire, notre sous-région fait face à de nouvelles menaces qui entraînent la résurgence de conflits anciens, fragilisent des pans entiers de nos sociétés et menacent nos capacités de défense", a ajouté le nouveau président de la Cédéao. "C'est le lieu d'appeler à la définition d'une politique de défense commune, à la mutualisation de nos moyens, afin de juguler la poussée du terrorisme, de reprendre le contrôle de nos côtes livrées à la piraterie maritime et de contenir les flux d'armes qui aggravent la criminalité et le grand banditisme", a-t-il ajouté.
La Cedeao condamne "la rébellion du MNLA"
Les chefs d'Etat et de gouvernement de la Cédéao ont de leur côté "exprimé leurs profondes préoccupations face à la détérioration de la sécurité et de la situation humanitaire dans la région du Sahel, notamment au Mali et au Niger", selon le communiqué final. Le sommet, qui a réuni une dizaine de chefs d'Etat et de gouvernement, "a fermement condamné la rébellion du MNLA (Mouvement national de libération de l'Azawad, ndlr) au Mali", en soulignant "son appui sans réserve aux efforts déployés par le Mali pour défendre son intégrité territoriale".
Le sommet de la Cédéao "a exprimé sa préoccupation face au flux de réfugiés et de déplacés internes, ainsi qu'à l'aggravation de l'insécurité alimentaire dans la région du Sahel". Les conditions sécuritaires se dégradent rapidement dans la zone sahélienne en raison d'une nouvelle rébellion touareg au Mali et des attaques de la branche maghrébine d'Al-Qaïda (Aqmi).
Les violences ont provoqué un exode intérieur mais aussi vers d'autres pays. Quelque 44.000 personnes ont ainsi fui vers la Mauritanie, le Niger et le Burkina Faso, alors qu'elles étaient 22.000 le 7 février, selon le Haut commissariat de l'ONU pour les réfugiés (HCR) qui entend renforcer son aide.
Une aide financière de 3 millions de dollars
Une situation d'autant plus préoccupante que 12 millions de personnes dans les pays sahéliens sont menacées par la famine. Le conseil de sécurité et de médiation de la Cédéao a approuvé une aide financière de 3 millions de dollars pour les victimes de la crise alimentaire et des attaques rebelles dans les pays du Sahel.
Concernant la piraterie, en hausse dans le golfe de Guinée, le sommet a souligné l'importance "du rôle de la coordination de la Cédéao pour combattre ce fléau".
Les participants ont par ailleurs élu l'ancien ministre des Finances burkinabè Kadré Ouédraogo président de la commission de la Cédéao, un poste de quatre ans jusqu'alors occupé par le Ghanéen James Victor Gbeho. M. Ouédraogo est actuellement ambassadeur extraordinaire plénipotentiaire du Burkina Faso en Belgique, aux Pays-Bas et au Royaume-Uni.
AFP Jeune Afrique
16.2.12
PÚBLICO reconhece o equívoco líbio
As violações de direitos humanos cometidas “com toda a impunidade” por diferentes milícias ameaçam a “nova Líbia” que deveria surgir com a vitória da revolta contra Muammar Khadafi.
O aviso é feito pela Amnistia Internacional num relatório publicado no primeiro aniversário do levantamento popular que começou na cidade de Bengazi, no Leste do país – e terminou em Outubro, com a captura e morte do ditador. As mesmas milícias que se formaram para derrubar Khadafi põem agora em causa o futuro.
“Há um ano, os líbios arriscaram a sua própria vida para reclamar justiça. Hoje, as suas esperanças são ameaçadas por milícias armadas sem lei que pisam os direitos humanos com toda a impunidade”, afirmou Donatella Rovera, conselheira especial da Amnistia para as crises e conflitos, na apresentação do relatório.
O número real de milícias existentes em todo o país é desconhecido. Um relatório do "think tank" International Crisis Group diz que tanto podem ser 100 como 300 – no mínimo, há 125 mil líbios armados, organizados por cidades ou bairros. Em princípio, todos deveriam responder ao Conselho Nacional de Transição, formado durante a guerra para organizar a oposição (e que continuará no poder até às eleições de Junho), mas afirmam obedecer apenas aos seus comandantes locais.
O grande fracasso do CNT é precisamente o desarmamento destes grupos. Na ausência de um verdadeiro Exército nacional, a segurança das próprias instalações de Estado continua a ser assegurada por estes homens, que não raras vezes se envolvem em confrontos mortíferos. O novo Exército deveria ser formado a partir das milícias, mas só 10% dos combatentes aceitaram integrá-lo.
No início da semana, representantes de cerca de 100 milícias do Ocidente do país anunciaram ter formado uma federação para prevenir o combate entre grupos. Mas os líderes destes grupos não reconhecem o CNT: “Não nos revoltámos contra Khadafi, mas contra um regime corrupto. Não vamos baixar as nossas armas enquanto não tivermos a certeza de que a revolução vai no caminho certo”, afirmou numa conferência de imprensa Ibrahim al-Madani, comandante de uma das brigadas que se uniu à nova federação.
O líder desta federação, o coronel Mokhtar Fernana, disse à Associated Press que o CNT “está a tentar sequestrar a revolução” e acusou as novas autoridades de aceitarem homens que defenderam o regime nas novas forças de segurança – que deveriam integrar todas as milícias.
Tortura e pilhagens
Donatella Rovera apelou à realização de inquéritos aos “graves abusos”, incluindo “crimes de guerra contra alegados partidários de Muammar Khadafi”, cometidos por estes grupos. Segundo a Amnistia, muitas “pessoas foram detidas ilegalmente e torturadas, por vezes até à morte”.
“A maior parte das milícias na Líbia está fora de controlo e a impunidade generalizada de que gozam só encoraja mais violência e perpetua a instabilidade e a insegurança no país”, disse Rovera.
A Amnistia fala em particular dos casos de “refugiados africanos tomados por alvo [por suspeitas de que combateram por Khadafi] e contra os quais foram cometidas represálias” e “casos de vinganças que significaram o deslocamento forçado de comunidades inteiras”. O relatório cita os habitantes de Tawergha, a sul de Misurata, no Ocidente do país.
Sofia Lorena/PÚBLICO ------- Há mais de quatro meses que ando a denunciar os muitos erros da viragem do ano passado na Líbia.
Só os néscios poderiam ter andado em Agosto, Setembro e Outubro a deitar foguetes com o que estava a acontecer. Com a pretensa "libertação".
O aviso é feito pela Amnistia Internacional num relatório publicado no primeiro aniversário do levantamento popular que começou na cidade de Bengazi, no Leste do país – e terminou em Outubro, com a captura e morte do ditador. As mesmas milícias que se formaram para derrubar Khadafi põem agora em causa o futuro.
“Há um ano, os líbios arriscaram a sua própria vida para reclamar justiça. Hoje, as suas esperanças são ameaçadas por milícias armadas sem lei que pisam os direitos humanos com toda a impunidade”, afirmou Donatella Rovera, conselheira especial da Amnistia para as crises e conflitos, na apresentação do relatório.
O número real de milícias existentes em todo o país é desconhecido. Um relatório do "think tank" International Crisis Group diz que tanto podem ser 100 como 300 – no mínimo, há 125 mil líbios armados, organizados por cidades ou bairros. Em princípio, todos deveriam responder ao Conselho Nacional de Transição, formado durante a guerra para organizar a oposição (e que continuará no poder até às eleições de Junho), mas afirmam obedecer apenas aos seus comandantes locais.
O grande fracasso do CNT é precisamente o desarmamento destes grupos. Na ausência de um verdadeiro Exército nacional, a segurança das próprias instalações de Estado continua a ser assegurada por estes homens, que não raras vezes se envolvem em confrontos mortíferos. O novo Exército deveria ser formado a partir das milícias, mas só 10% dos combatentes aceitaram integrá-lo.
No início da semana, representantes de cerca de 100 milícias do Ocidente do país anunciaram ter formado uma federação para prevenir o combate entre grupos. Mas os líderes destes grupos não reconhecem o CNT: “Não nos revoltámos contra Khadafi, mas contra um regime corrupto. Não vamos baixar as nossas armas enquanto não tivermos a certeza de que a revolução vai no caminho certo”, afirmou numa conferência de imprensa Ibrahim al-Madani, comandante de uma das brigadas que se uniu à nova federação.
O líder desta federação, o coronel Mokhtar Fernana, disse à Associated Press que o CNT “está a tentar sequestrar a revolução” e acusou as novas autoridades de aceitarem homens que defenderam o regime nas novas forças de segurança – que deveriam integrar todas as milícias.
Tortura e pilhagens
Donatella Rovera apelou à realização de inquéritos aos “graves abusos”, incluindo “crimes de guerra contra alegados partidários de Muammar Khadafi”, cometidos por estes grupos. Segundo a Amnistia, muitas “pessoas foram detidas ilegalmente e torturadas, por vezes até à morte”.
“A maior parte das milícias na Líbia está fora de controlo e a impunidade generalizada de que gozam só encoraja mais violência e perpetua a instabilidade e a insegurança no país”, disse Rovera.
A Amnistia fala em particular dos casos de “refugiados africanos tomados por alvo [por suspeitas de que combateram por Khadafi] e contra os quais foram cometidas represálias” e “casos de vinganças que significaram o deslocamento forçado de comunidades inteiras”. O relatório cita os habitantes de Tawergha, a sul de Misurata, no Ocidente do país.
Sofia Lorena/PÚBLICO ------- Há mais de quatro meses que ando a denunciar os muitos erros da viragem do ano passado na Líbia.
Só os néscios poderiam ter andado em Agosto, Setembro e Outubro a deitar foguetes com o que estava a acontecer. Com a pretensa "libertação".
15.2.12
Um ano de incertezas na Líbia
By AFP
TRIPOLI
One year since the anti-Qaddafi revolt erupted, Libya is battling challenges ranging from how to tame rowdy militias who fought his forces to establishing a new rule of law in the country.
On Friday, Libya marks the first anniversary of the revolution against Muammar Qaddafi, which was ignited in the eastern city of Benghazi on February 17 and ended on October 20 with the dictator’s killing.
No official celebrations have been organized at a national level, but local councils are planning commemorations and have been warned to be on the alert against possible attacks by Qaddafi supporters.
“We need to be careful because some agents of Qaddafi’s regime have dreams (of creating insecurity). But the thuwar (revolutionaries) are ready all the time to confront them firmly,” warned Interior Minister Fawzi Abdelali.
Qaddafi’s ouster and death was one of the key events of the so-called Arab Spring, but Libya has since struggled to erase the legacy of the former strongman’s four decades of iron-fisted rule.
Thousands of people were killed or wounded in the struggle, the country’s vital oil production ground to a halt, and homes, businesses, factories, schools and hospitals were devastated.
So Libya’s new rulers face daunting challenges -- not only rebuilding an ageing infrastructure and repairing the damage, but also fostering vibrant state institutions, tackling a corrupt economy and boosting what are weak health, judicial and educational systems.
But their most immediate headache is how to control the tens of thousands of ex-rebels who helped oust Qaddafi and have now turned into powerful militias, whose jealously guarded commitment to their honour and power occasionally erupts into deadly clashes.
“By now they (militias) have developed vested interests they will be loath to relinquish,” said World Bank advisor Hafed al-Ghwell in a recent report.
Ghwell said the militias have an edge over the nation’s National Transitional Council (NTC) because of their “superior local knowledge and connections, strong leaderships and revolutionary legitimacy.”
In the absence of a regular and efficient national army and police, the militias are providing security on the streets and even guarding installations such as airports.
But armed with light and heavy weapons these rival militias have emerged as the biggest security threat for Libya, regularly clashing with each other and causing fatalities.
Global human rights organizations Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and Doctors Without Borders have lashed out at them, accusing them of torturing their prisoners, most of whom are former pro-Qaddafi fighters.
“Revenge attacks against populations deemed to have supported Qaddafi also grew” in recent months, HRW said in its World Report 2012, particularly targeting militias from the city of western port city of Misrata.
TRIPOLI
One year since the anti-Qaddafi revolt erupted, Libya is battling challenges ranging from how to tame rowdy militias who fought his forces to establishing a new rule of law in the country.
On Friday, Libya marks the first anniversary of the revolution against Muammar Qaddafi, which was ignited in the eastern city of Benghazi on February 17 and ended on October 20 with the dictator’s killing.
No official celebrations have been organized at a national level, but local councils are planning commemorations and have been warned to be on the alert against possible attacks by Qaddafi supporters.
“We need to be careful because some agents of Qaddafi’s regime have dreams (of creating insecurity). But the thuwar (revolutionaries) are ready all the time to confront them firmly,” warned Interior Minister Fawzi Abdelali.
Qaddafi’s ouster and death was one of the key events of the so-called Arab Spring, but Libya has since struggled to erase the legacy of the former strongman’s four decades of iron-fisted rule.
Thousands of people were killed or wounded in the struggle, the country’s vital oil production ground to a halt, and homes, businesses, factories, schools and hospitals were devastated.
So Libya’s new rulers face daunting challenges -- not only rebuilding an ageing infrastructure and repairing the damage, but also fostering vibrant state institutions, tackling a corrupt economy and boosting what are weak health, judicial and educational systems.
But their most immediate headache is how to control the tens of thousands of ex-rebels who helped oust Qaddafi and have now turned into powerful militias, whose jealously guarded commitment to their honour and power occasionally erupts into deadly clashes.
“By now they (militias) have developed vested interests they will be loath to relinquish,” said World Bank advisor Hafed al-Ghwell in a recent report.
Ghwell said the militias have an edge over the nation’s National Transitional Council (NTC) because of their “superior local knowledge and connections, strong leaderships and revolutionary legitimacy.”
In the absence of a regular and efficient national army and police, the militias are providing security on the streets and even guarding installations such as airports.
But armed with light and heavy weapons these rival militias have emerged as the biggest security threat for Libya, regularly clashing with each other and causing fatalities.
Global human rights organizations Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and Doctors Without Borders have lashed out at them, accusing them of torturing their prisoners, most of whom are former pro-Qaddafi fighters.
“Revenge attacks against populations deemed to have supported Qaddafi also grew” in recent months, HRW said in its World Report 2012, particularly targeting militias from the city of western port city of Misrata.
13.2.12
A mansão parisiense de Teodorin Obiang
At 42 Avenue Foch, the tree-lined boulevard that is one of Paris's most expensive streets, looms a five-storey private mansion complete with disco, spa room, hair salon, gold-and jewel-encrusted taps, lift, pastel pink dining room and a breathtaking balcony-view of the Arc de Triomphe.
Local people always knew when there was about to be a visit from its 41-year-old "playboy" resident, Teodorin Obiang, eldest son of the autocratic president of Equatorial Guinea. Days before Obiang Jr's private jet touched down, two massive lorries would pull up outside and disgorge a sea of fresh flowers to dress the interior of the mansion.
When Obiang was in residence, passersby would see a parade of couturiers from Paris's top design houses, including Yves Saint Laurent, Dior, Louis Vuitton, waiting to be admitted for fittings before returning with vanloads of made-to-measure clothes. Crates of the most expensive burgundy were another regular delivery.
On one occasion 15,000 DVDs were hauled in on wooden pallets – roughly 41 years worth of viewing.
But the most public statement of opulence was the fleet of luxury, turbo-charged, yellow, red and blue sports cars, parked in garages or in the cobbled courtyard.
"The noise-factor was extreme," one local said. "He seemed obsessed with security so when he wanted to go out between midnight and 2am, he'd order the chauffeur to warm up four cars so no one knew which he'd take. Can you imagine the noise of Ferraris, Porsches and Maseratis all running at once? Then he'd come down and decide to take a fifth car and that would have to be started."
But the courtyard has fallen quiet, the mansion empty of occupants. Three months ago, in a morning raid, French police towed away 11 luxury cars, including a Maserati, a Porsche Carrera, an Aston Martin and a Mercedes Maybach.
At the time, Obiang Jr, whose salary as Equatorial Guinea's agriculture and forestry minister was €3,200 (£2,700) a month, owned two Bugatti Veyrons, the most expensive and fastest street car in the world, costing about €1m a piece and reaching 250mph . He was in the process of acquiring a third.
The raid was the first in the landmark French inquiry known as the case of the "ill-gotten gains".
In an unprecedented move, three serving African leaders and their families are under investigation in Paris over whether they embezzled state funds to acquire vast assets in France including bank accounts, Riviera villas and fleets of luxury cars.
The clan of Gabon's late leader Omar Bongo and its current leader, his son Ali Bongo; the Congo-Brazzaville leader, Denis Sassou-Nguesso and his family, and President Teodoro Obiang of Equatorial Guinea and his clan are accused of having assets worth €160m in France, from penthouses and villas to scores of bank accounts and luxury car fleets.
The leaders and their families have denied building up personal wealth in France through embezzlement, money-laundering and misuse of public funds.
Judges are beginning the detailed task of trying to prove such spectacular wealth was directly siphoned from the coffers of the oil-rich states to the detriment of populations left to live in misery.
In 2000, just as Obiang began building up his car collection, Equatorial Guinea was on paper the wealthiest African country per inhabitant, yet a majority of its people lived below the UN poverty threshold.
With billions of dollars worth of assets of Muammar Gaddafi frozen by the UN and member countries, and other legal moves to recover the wealth of deposed autocrats such as Tunisia's Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali and Egypt's Hosni Mubarak, the drive to seize billions plundered by corrupt leaders has never been higher.
But the French case against three serving African leaders, initiated by anti-corruption NGOs as part of a long legal battle, also illustrates the limits on western willingness to act against rulers still in power.
"With deposed heads of state after the Arab spring, there was no problem, the whole community was scandalised at the plundering of money from their countries. We're warning against double standards: why should you have to wait for a leader to fall to put a stop to corruption?" said Maud Perdriel-Vaissiere, head of Sherpa, one NGO leading the case.
The police inquiry has given an unprecedented insight into the lifestyle of certain African leaders. When the spectacular art collection from the homes of the late fashion designer Yves Saint Laurent went up for auction in Paris in 2009 it was called the art sale of the century and raised more than €370m. French authorities later revealed that Obiang Jr bought 109 lots at the sale, costing €18m.
Olivier Pardo, lawyer for Equatorial Guinea in France, said the case of the "ill-gotten gains" violated international law and that he would contest the case and pursue France through the international courts. It may not just be France.
A US government court action is seeking to seize $71m (£45m) of assets from Obiang Jr in the US which it claims were paid for through corruption. His US assets are said to include a $38.5m Gulfstream V private jet, a $30m mansion in Malibu, California, and $1.8m of Michael Jackson memorabilia, including a white crystal-covered glove and a crystal-covered pair of socks. A spokesman for Equatorial Guinea denied wrongdoing. An inquiry into the Obiangs' assets is also underway in Spain.
On a corner of Paris's chic Avenue Rapp, in the heart of the wealthy 7th arrondissement, a short walk from the Eiffel tower, the gentlemen's outfitters Pape tells its own story of the lifestyle of leaders of oil-rich states.
The Senegalese tailor Pape Ibrahima N'diaye, a Paris institution known as "Monsieur Pape", is a favourite of French lawyers, politicians and businessmen.
Denis Sassou N'Guesso, the 68-year-old leader of Congo-Brazzaville, famous for his impeccable suits and dress sense, did not hold back in his private fittings.
A new book, The Scandal of the Ill-Gotten Gains, by the investigative journalists Thomas Hofnung and Xavier Harel, has sent shockwaves through the French establishment with fresh details of spending habits.
In it, the authors reveal a note by Tracfin, the French anti-money laundering authority, which states that in April 2010, Sassou N'Guesso ordered 91 suits from Pape for €276,000. A month earlier, in March 2010, he had bought 48 shirts for €24,000. In one year, in the 12 months from November 2009, Sassou N'Guesso spent more than €652,000 on clothes there. His lawyer dismissed the sum as "false and absurd".
The Sassou N'Guesso clan have 24 properties in France in their own name, 112 bank accounts and various sports cars. Meanwhile, NGOs point out that 70% of Congo-Brazzaville people live on less than $1 a day.
In the heart of the 8th arrondissement, not far from the French president's Elysée palace, a mansion on the quiet Rue de la Baume has come to symbolise the wealth of Gabon's late leader Omar Bongo. When Bongo died in 2009, he was the world's longest-ruling head of state, save for the British and Thai monarchies.
A friend of all recent French presidents, at one time he owned more Paris properties than any other foreign leader. The Bongo clan has the biggest property portfolio in the "ill-gotten gains case".
A preliminary police report claimed he and his close relatives own 39 properties in France, mostly in exclusive districts of Paris and on the French Riviera. They also have 70 French bank accounts and at least nine luxury cars in France, including Ferraris and Mercedes worth a total of €1.5m. Bongo's son, Ali Bongo, was elected president in 2009 after his father's death. That year he bought himself a Bentley Continental Flying Spur for more than €200,000, which can run for 1,500 miles without refuelling despite the fact that oil-rich Gabon has less than 500 miles of asphalt roads.
The Guardian 6 de Fevereiro de 2012
Local people always knew when there was about to be a visit from its 41-year-old "playboy" resident, Teodorin Obiang, eldest son of the autocratic president of Equatorial Guinea. Days before Obiang Jr's private jet touched down, two massive lorries would pull up outside and disgorge a sea of fresh flowers to dress the interior of the mansion.
When Obiang was in residence, passersby would see a parade of couturiers from Paris's top design houses, including Yves Saint Laurent, Dior, Louis Vuitton, waiting to be admitted for fittings before returning with vanloads of made-to-measure clothes. Crates of the most expensive burgundy were another regular delivery.
On one occasion 15,000 DVDs were hauled in on wooden pallets – roughly 41 years worth of viewing.
But the most public statement of opulence was the fleet of luxury, turbo-charged, yellow, red and blue sports cars, parked in garages or in the cobbled courtyard.
"The noise-factor was extreme," one local said. "He seemed obsessed with security so when he wanted to go out between midnight and 2am, he'd order the chauffeur to warm up four cars so no one knew which he'd take. Can you imagine the noise of Ferraris, Porsches and Maseratis all running at once? Then he'd come down and decide to take a fifth car and that would have to be started."
But the courtyard has fallen quiet, the mansion empty of occupants. Three months ago, in a morning raid, French police towed away 11 luxury cars, including a Maserati, a Porsche Carrera, an Aston Martin and a Mercedes Maybach.
At the time, Obiang Jr, whose salary as Equatorial Guinea's agriculture and forestry minister was €3,200 (£2,700) a month, owned two Bugatti Veyrons, the most expensive and fastest street car in the world, costing about €1m a piece and reaching 250mph . He was in the process of acquiring a third.
The raid was the first in the landmark French inquiry known as the case of the "ill-gotten gains".
In an unprecedented move, three serving African leaders and their families are under investigation in Paris over whether they embezzled state funds to acquire vast assets in France including bank accounts, Riviera villas and fleets of luxury cars.
The clan of Gabon's late leader Omar Bongo and its current leader, his son Ali Bongo; the Congo-Brazzaville leader, Denis Sassou-Nguesso and his family, and President Teodoro Obiang of Equatorial Guinea and his clan are accused of having assets worth €160m in France, from penthouses and villas to scores of bank accounts and luxury car fleets.
The leaders and their families have denied building up personal wealth in France through embezzlement, money-laundering and misuse of public funds.
Judges are beginning the detailed task of trying to prove such spectacular wealth was directly siphoned from the coffers of the oil-rich states to the detriment of populations left to live in misery.
In 2000, just as Obiang began building up his car collection, Equatorial Guinea was on paper the wealthiest African country per inhabitant, yet a majority of its people lived below the UN poverty threshold.
With billions of dollars worth of assets of Muammar Gaddafi frozen by the UN and member countries, and other legal moves to recover the wealth of deposed autocrats such as Tunisia's Zine al-Abidine Ben Ali and Egypt's Hosni Mubarak, the drive to seize billions plundered by corrupt leaders has never been higher.
But the French case against three serving African leaders, initiated by anti-corruption NGOs as part of a long legal battle, also illustrates the limits on western willingness to act against rulers still in power.
"With deposed heads of state after the Arab spring, there was no problem, the whole community was scandalised at the plundering of money from their countries. We're warning against double standards: why should you have to wait for a leader to fall to put a stop to corruption?" said Maud Perdriel-Vaissiere, head of Sherpa, one NGO leading the case.
The police inquiry has given an unprecedented insight into the lifestyle of certain African leaders. When the spectacular art collection from the homes of the late fashion designer Yves Saint Laurent went up for auction in Paris in 2009 it was called the art sale of the century and raised more than €370m. French authorities later revealed that Obiang Jr bought 109 lots at the sale, costing €18m.
Olivier Pardo, lawyer for Equatorial Guinea in France, said the case of the "ill-gotten gains" violated international law and that he would contest the case and pursue France through the international courts. It may not just be France.
A US government court action is seeking to seize $71m (£45m) of assets from Obiang Jr in the US which it claims were paid for through corruption. His US assets are said to include a $38.5m Gulfstream V private jet, a $30m mansion in Malibu, California, and $1.8m of Michael Jackson memorabilia, including a white crystal-covered glove and a crystal-covered pair of socks. A spokesman for Equatorial Guinea denied wrongdoing. An inquiry into the Obiangs' assets is also underway in Spain.
On a corner of Paris's chic Avenue Rapp, in the heart of the wealthy 7th arrondissement, a short walk from the Eiffel tower, the gentlemen's outfitters Pape tells its own story of the lifestyle of leaders of oil-rich states.
The Senegalese tailor Pape Ibrahima N'diaye, a Paris institution known as "Monsieur Pape", is a favourite of French lawyers, politicians and businessmen.
Denis Sassou N'Guesso, the 68-year-old leader of Congo-Brazzaville, famous for his impeccable suits and dress sense, did not hold back in his private fittings.
A new book, The Scandal of the Ill-Gotten Gains, by the investigative journalists Thomas Hofnung and Xavier Harel, has sent shockwaves through the French establishment with fresh details of spending habits.
In it, the authors reveal a note by Tracfin, the French anti-money laundering authority, which states that in April 2010, Sassou N'Guesso ordered 91 suits from Pape for €276,000. A month earlier, in March 2010, he had bought 48 shirts for €24,000. In one year, in the 12 months from November 2009, Sassou N'Guesso spent more than €652,000 on clothes there. His lawyer dismissed the sum as "false and absurd".
The Sassou N'Guesso clan have 24 properties in France in their own name, 112 bank accounts and various sports cars. Meanwhile, NGOs point out that 70% of Congo-Brazzaville people live on less than $1 a day.
In the heart of the 8th arrondissement, not far from the French president's Elysée palace, a mansion on the quiet Rue de la Baume has come to symbolise the wealth of Gabon's late leader Omar Bongo. When Bongo died in 2009, he was the world's longest-ruling head of state, save for the British and Thai monarchies.
A friend of all recent French presidents, at one time he owned more Paris properties than any other foreign leader. The Bongo clan has the biggest property portfolio in the "ill-gotten gains case".
A preliminary police report claimed he and his close relatives own 39 properties in France, mostly in exclusive districts of Paris and on the French Riviera. They also have 70 French bank accounts and at least nine luxury cars in France, including Ferraris and Mercedes worth a total of €1.5m. Bongo's son, Ali Bongo, was elected president in 2009 after his father's death. That year he bought himself a Bentley Continental Flying Spur for more than €200,000, which can run for 1,500 miles without refuelling despite the fact that oil-rich Gabon has less than 500 miles of asphalt roads.
The Guardian 6 de Fevereiro de 2012
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