Tiranos num almoço em Windsor

Kings and queens from around the world have arrived today in Windsor for a lunch to celebrate the Queen's Diamond Jubilee. Twelve members of the British royal family are joining the Queen to welcome the sovereigns of 26 countries. Among the guests is King Hamad al-Khalifa of Bahrain, whose attendance has been criticised by human rights campaigners. Buckingham Palace has said that the Foreign Office approved the invitation of King Hamad. Another invitation proving to be controversial is that of King Mswati III of Swaziland, who is accused of living a lavish lifestyle while his people go hungry. Campaigner Peter Tatchell criticised the Queen for inviting "royal tyrants to celebrate her Diamond Jubilee". The Foreign Office said it was having "a full and frank discussion on a range of issues" with Bahrain's government. The lunch will be followed by an evening banquet, hosted by the Prince of Wales and the Duchess of Cornwall. BBC

CEDEAO: negociações com o Mali do Norte (Azawad)

OUAGADOUGOU, May 18 (Reuters) - West African bloc ECOWAS has opened talks with Mali's rebel groups, including fighters linked to al Qaeda, as part of its effort to restore constitutional rule in the country in the wake of its March 22 coup, Burkina Faso's foreign minister said. The talks are the first publicly acknowledged negotiations with the armed groups by the regional bloc since a mix of separatist rebels and Islamist gunmen took control of northern Mali following the coup in the capital. "We have to ensure that all factions feel involved in the peace process ... it is better for them all to be present at negotiating table," minister Djibril Bassole told journalists late on Thursday. Burkina Faso is one of ECOWAS's lead mediators in the Mali crisis. Bassole gave no details on any progress made. ECOWAS is trying to map out a political transition and has said that it has a 3,000-strong force ready to be deployed to Mali, though analysts have questioned the bloc's readiness and appetite for desert warfare against heavily armed rebels. The two main groups occupying Mali's north are the Tuareg-led MNLA, which wants an independent state in the desert north, and Ansar Dine, an al Qaeda-linked group which is seeking to impose Islamic law, sharia, across Mali. But other groups including AQIM, al Qaeda's North African wing, MUJWA, which is an AQIM splinter group, and foreign fighters are also operating in the area, fuelling regional fears it has become a haven for extremists and international criminal gangs. ECOWAS has offered to help Mali retake control of its north but plans remain vague and, before any force comes to the country, the bloc will have to resolve the political crisis. The current interim president's term runs out this weekend and the military has proposed a national convention to choose a successor, but regional leaders and many of the country's politicians have rejected the plan. "It is about proposing a plan that brings together the transitional government, the armed groups and other actors to find a way out of this crisis," Bassole said. "We want the armed groups to take part in the management of the transition of the country, under conditions that we will set out," he added. ECOWAS and the soldiers who led the coup remain at loggerheads, with West African leaders demanding they return to barracks but the former junta seeking to retain a say in the country's future. (Writing by David Lewis; editing by Andrew Roche)

Bissau: Angola acata ordem de despejo

O Presidente da República, José Eduardo dos Santos, recebeu ontem uma mensagem do seu homólogo da Costa do Marfim, Alassane Ouattara, na qual transmite ao Chefe de Estado angolano e Presidente em exercício da Comunidade de Países de Língua Portuguesa (CPLP), o ponto de situação sobre os últimos acontecimentos na Guiné-Bissau após o golpe de estado de 12 de Abril. Foi portador da mensagem o ministro das Relações Exteriores da Costa do Marfim, Duncan Kablan, que foi recebido no Palácio Presidencial da Cidade Alta numa audiência em que se fez acompanhar pelo ministro dos Negócios Estrangeiros da Nigéria, do ministro das Relações Exteriores da Guiné Conacri e do chefe do Estado-Maior das forças da CEDEAO. À saída do encontro, o ministro marfinense falou à imprensa sobre o principal propósito do encontro, que foi o acerto dos moldes da saída “ordeira e em segurança” da Missão de Segurança Angolana na Guiné-Bissau (Missang), e a sua substituição por uma força da CEDEAO, composta por apenas alguns Estados membros da organização. Decisão angolana Duncan Kablan confirmou o início da retirada da Missang já para este fim-de-semana, materializando-se a decisão do governo angolano de retirar o efectivo enviado com base num acordo de cooperação bilateral, com o objectivo de contribuir no processo de reforma do sector da defesa e segurança da Guiné-Bissau, considerado como a “pedra de toque” para a estabilidade do país. “Na nossa última visita, o Presidente José Eduardo dos Santos tinha anunciado que estava pronto para retirar a Missang, com a reserva de que tudo deveria acontecer de maneira organizada e em segurança. É isso que nós confirmámos com o Presidente e pensamos que neste aspecto não teremos qualquer problema”, disse Duncan Kablan, que anunciou, mais adiante, que os dois chefes de Estado-Maior das Forças Armadas de Angola e da Costa do Marfim “vão trabalhar juntos nesse processo”. Entretanto, depois de quase duas semanas em Abidjan, a capital da Costa do Marfim, onde estavam privados de fazer declarações, o presidente e o primeiro-ministro da Guiné-Bissau, respectivamente, Raimundo Pereira e Carlos Gomes Júnior, encontram-se em Lisboa, onde ontem participaram numa reunião da CPLP. Jornal de Angola

Mali: introdução a um relatório da Amnistia Internacional

Since the beginning of 2012, Mali has been faced with the worst crisis of its recent history, one that has questioned both the integrity of its territory as well as almost 20 years of political stability. A Tuareg rebellion, fueled by fighters arriving from Libya after the fall of Mouammar Gaddafi, launched attacks against the Malian garrisons in the North of the country in early January 2012. The armed groups also committed serious infringements of international humanitarian law by executing the soldiers they caught in combat. The Malian army responded by bombing indiscriminately the civilian population. Northern Mali has been weakened by several factors over the years, in particular: the disinvestment of the Malian state and the lack of development in this area which has caused much frustration; the development of all kinds of trafficking [drugs, trade of transnational migrants, weapons, vehicles, cigarettes]; and the presence of Al-Qa’ida in the Islamic Maghreb [AQIM] who transformed certain areas of the region into a safe haven where these groups hold hostages. ------ A mudança das situações vigentes no Senegal, na Guiné-Bissau e no Mali, nestes últimos meses, indicam que é necessário estar com muita atenção a tudo o que se passa desde a Mauritânia e a bacia do rio Senegal até ao Níger e às imediações do Lago Chade.

Bissau: Ouattara acelera saída de angolanos

GBissau.com) Abuja – Kadré Désiré Ouédraogo, presidente da Comissão da Comunidade Económica Dos Estados da África Ocidental, disse, numa entrevista ao Serviço em Francês da Voz de América, que “não há antagonismos entre as forças da CEDEAO e as de Angola,” até porque as tropas da Nigéria, do Burkina e de outros países vão ajudar em parte “a evacuação das tropas angolanas da Guiné-Bissau”. A resposta de Kadré Désiré Ouédraogo foi dada quando o jornalista sugeriu a resistência angolana e dos países lusófonos à retirada das tropas de Luanda estacionadas no país no âmbito da MISSANG. Para Ouédraogo, “Angola teria mesmo sugerido a retirada das suas tropas da Guiné-Bissau, mesmo antes do golpe. Aliás, foi a CEDEAO que pediu à Angola no sentido de esperar pela chegada das nossas forças, antes da sua retirada”. Mas, devido à gravidade da situação depois do golpe, “a CEDEAO reavaliou a situação e ficou a saber da extrema tensão existente entre as tropas da Guiné-Bissau e as forças angolanas presentes no seu território, e o Presidente da Costa de Marfim Alassane Ouattara pediu ao seu homólogo angolano para acelerar a partida das suas tropas,” acrescentou Ouédraogo. E para que isto aconteça, será necessário esperar pelas tropas da CEDEAO que irão, de acordo com Ouédraogo, “garantir a segurança às tropas angolanas durante a sua retirada e evitar uma tensão inútil no país. Portanto, as duas operações vão ocorrer de uma forma coordenada”. E nisso, “não há quaisquer antagonismos,” concluiu.

Nigéria: "muito para além das fronteiras"

A top U.S. State Department official says Nigeria is important to stability and progress worldwide as well in Africa, and he emphasized the closeness of U.S.-Nigeria ties. “Nigeria is very important,” Deputy Assistant Secretary of State for Africa William Fitzgerald told America.gov April 15. “On the continent, it is the most populous nation, the largest contributor of peacekeepers, the largest producer of oil, and the largest recipient of direct investment by the American private sector. “Whether providing critical leadership in ECOWAS [Economic Community of West African States], engagement in West Africa, or, from the perspective of its current seat on the U.N. Security Council, Nigeria plays a role far beyond its own borders,” the U.S. official added. Fitzgerald made his comments the day after Nigeria’s acting president, Goodluck Jonathan, left Washington following his participation in the two-day Nuclear Security Summit during which he met with President Obama. Reiterating commitments made by both President Obama and Secretary of State Hillary Rodham Clinton to partnering with Nigerians on political and economic progress, Fitzgerald said, “We want to see a strong, democratic, prosperous Nigeria and will support Nigeria’s efforts to achieve its great potential.” Key to that achievement, the U.S. diplomat said, was “implementing robust reform in areas such as respecting constitutional processes, building the capacity and commitment to fight corruption, respecting human rights, promoting economic development, resolving internal conflict and achieving free and fair elections.” Fitzgerald added, “We look forward to working with Nigeria through the mechanism of our recently signed U.S.-Nigeria Binational Commission as the basis for our mutual efforts in these areas.” Before returning to Nigeria, Jonathan spoke at an event hosted by the Atlantic Council, a foreign policy-oriented nongovernmental organization that also celebrated the launch of its Ansari Africa Center headed by Nancy Walker, a former Defense Department official and founding director of the Africa Center for Strategic Studies. Jonathan spoke of the need for “entrenching accountability in my country” and freeing Nigeria from “the shackles of poverty.” Declaring, “We have no time to waste,” he said, “We have the opportunity and obligation” to make a better life for all Nigerians free of corruption and poor governance. Nigeria stands firm for democratic elections, “not only in Nigeria, but on the rest of the continent.” Commenting on Nigeria’s history of peacekeeping in West Africa and Darfur, the Nigerian leader pledged that Nigeria would maintain that role and remain “a strong actor for peace.” Afrik News Abril 2010 (quando Washington tudo fez para que Goodluck Jonathan ticasse mesmo como Presidente)

África: as falanges combatentes islamistas

Des chebaabs somaliens à Al-Qaïda au Maghreb islamique (AQMI), en passant par le groupe nigérian Boko haram, l'islam radical est devenu une composante géopolitique majeure en Afrique. Leur apparente unité idéologique masque en réalité une grande diversité, mais ces groupes radicaux n'en sont pas moins convergents par leurs objectifs. Malgré l'idée assez répandue d'un monopole d'Al-Qaïda sur les groupes islamistes africains, c'est en fait moins AQMI que le Groupe islamique armé algérien, son ancêtre, qui sert d'exemple à plusieurs groupes armés. Ils en ont adopté la structure en phalanges combattantes autonomes, mais surtout une idéologie relativement localiste et une opérationnalité fondée moins sur la dispersion géographique que sur l'action locale. Ainsi, en Somalie, l'Union des tribunaux islamiques a émergé comme mouvement islamique composite, avant de se scinder. Deux branches radicales s'en sont extraites, les fameuses milices Al Chebaab et le Hizbul Islam avant de fusionner sous l'étendard noir des chebaabs. Bien qu'en contact avec Al-Qaïda dans la péninsule arabique, la guerre des chefs et l'effondrement du régime au Yémen a provoqué une certaine prise de distance avec Al-Qaïda, les chebaabs luttant avant tout pour le pouvoir en Somalie. Par ailleurs l'islam somalien est assez spécifique et historiquement emprunt de soufisme, même si une partie des chebaabs sont désormais influencés par les idéologies wahhabite, salafiste ou des Frères musulmans égyptiens. De la même manière, au Nigéria, le groupe Boko haram, bien qu'influencé par les mouvements salafiste et taliban, pratique un islam hétérodoxe empruntant des pratiques qui tiennent bien plus de la culture africaine qu'au rigorisme islamique. Et si l'émergence sociologique de Boko haram ("l'éducation occidentale est pêché") est comparable à celle du mouvement taliban ("étudiant"), elle s'est faite moins par une adhésion aux principes du fondamentalisme que sur une contestation politique du pouvoir en place. Au Mali, on retrouve toute la diversité des groupes islamistes du continent africain. En dehors de la présence d'AQMI, qui opère même en dehors du continent, plusieurs groupes ont émergés dans la moitié nord du pays après sa conquête par les touaregs sécessionnistes. Ces groupes se singularisent par des objectifs différents. Ansar Dine, tout d'abord, est un mouvement islamiste mais dirigé par un touareg, Iyad Ag Ghali, ayant vécu en Arabie saoudite. Il semble être en contact à la fois avec AQMI et les indépendantistes touaregs, mais n'est ni vraiment internationaliste ni sécessionniste. Il préfèrerait l'instauration d'un régime islamique dans l'ensemble du pays. Autre groupe actif, le Mouvement pour l'unicité du jihad en Afrique occidentale (Mujao) constitue quant à lui un groupe djihadiste régional dirigé par un Mauritanien, Hamada Ould Khaïrou, qui revendique l'incorporation entre autres de touaregs, de Nigériens et de Tchadiens. Il dit s'inscrire dans la logique d'AQMI et d'Ansar dine, mais aussi des chebaabs somaliens et des islamistes du Moyen Orient ou d'Asie. Son but serait d'étendre le djihadisme à l'Afrique noire. Internationaliste mais appliqué à la région ouest-africaine, s'il prône l'instauration de la charia, son application dépasse pour lui la question territoriale. AQMI, Mujao et Ansar dine constituent ainsi trois facettes de l'islamisme radical au Sahel dont les idéologies et les objectifs se distribuent donc sur un gradient islamiste-nationaliste. Par ailleurs, et c'est là un développement d'importance, Boko haram aurait dépêché au nord du Mali des combattants nigériens et nigérians. Il coordonnerait ses opérations avec AQMI, qui réussirait donc finalement, par ce biais, à chapeauter quelque peu ces groupes islamistes émergés localement, bien que d'inspiration religieuse sensiblement distincte et plus ou moins attachés à leur région d'origine. Si ces différents mouvements se rejoignent donc sur le rejet d'un Occident libertaire et de régimes locaux jugés corrompus, ils diffèrent en revanche grandement par leurs origines géographiques, leurs idéologies religieuses, leurs revendications politiques ainsi que par leurs modes opératoires. Il n'en reste pas moins que face à l'absence chronique d'amélioration des conditions de vie locales, le radicalisme d'opposition qu'ils partagent est en pleine expansion. Et c'est précisément dans cette opposition commune qu'ils puisent leur principal facteur de convergence stratégique. La lutte contre ces groupes ne saurait donc être exclusivement sécuritaire, au risque non de les affaiblir mais bien de renforcer leurs emprises locales autant que leur alliance, d'est en ouest du continent africain. Julien Théron, politologue spécialisé en géopolitique des conflits, enseignant à l'Université de Versailles Saint-Quentin-en-Yvelines