Bissau: quem é que mata quem

Praia – O Primeiro-ministro deposto da Guiné-Bissau, Carlos Gomes Júnior, negou qualquer envolvimento e que tenha «mãos sujas» na alegada morte do deputado do Partido Africano da Independência da Guiné e Cabo Verde (PAIGC), Roberto Ferreira Cacheu. Falando domingo, 29 de Julho, para mais de 500 membros da comunidade guineense na Cidade da Praia (Cabo Verde), Carlos Gomes Júnior, em tom de comício, disse que não foi ele quem mandou «bombardear» a casa de Roberto Ferreira Cacheu, em Dezembro de 2011, na sequência de uma alegada tentativa abortada de golpe de Estado, em que o deputado do PAIGC era apontado como um dos cabecilhas. Desde a alegada tentativa abortada de golpe de Estado de 26 de Dezembro último que Roberto Ferreira Cacheu nunca mais foi visto em público, circulando informações em Bissau que poderá ter sido morto ou estar fora do país. Na semana passada, o ministro da Presidência do Conselho de Ministros e porta-voz do Governo de transição da Guiné-Bissau, Fernando Vaz, convocou jornalistas e o Corpo Diplomático acreditado em Bissau para mostrar a alegada vala comum onde jazem os restos mortais de Roberto Ferreira Cacheu e de mais duas pessoas, mas depois da escavação nada foi visto. Para esta semana, Fernando Vaz promete novos desenvolvimentos. A declaração de Carlos Gomes Júnior na Cidade da Praia é claramente uma «indirecta» ao Chefe de Estado-Maior General das Forças Armadas, António Indjai, líder do golpe de Estado de 12 de Abril último, da chefia do Governo guineense. «Por isso mesmo escrevi, na semana passada, uma carta ao Secretário-Geral das Nações Unidas, Ban Ki-moon, na qual solicito o Conselho de Segurança para constituir um Tribunal Internacional para a Guiné-Bissau para o julgamento de todos os crimes de sangue cometidos nos últimos anos no país de 2000 a 2012», explicou o também Presidente do PAIGC. O Primeiro-ministro deposto pelos militares guineenses disse que quer um esclarecimento cabal dos assassinatos ocorridos nos últimos 14 anos no seu país (desde 1998), nomeadamente os do Presidente Nino Vieira, do ex-deputado Hélder Proença, do antigo ministro e responsável da secreta guineense Baciro Dabó, dos antigos Chefes de Estado-Maior General das Forças Armadas, generais Ansumane Mané, Veríssimo Correia Seabra, Tagmé Na Waié, do coronel Domingos Barros, do comodoro Lamine Sanhá, o ex-Chefe dos Serviços de Informações do Estado, Samba Djaló e o recente caso do desaparecimento do deputado Roberto Ferreira Cacheu. «Quero que todos os responsáveis sejam julgados e condenados. Se tiver mãos sujas que seja julgado e condenado», declarou Carlos Gomes Júnior «arrancando» estrondosos aplausos dos participantes. Gomes Júnior reafirmou que é um «insulto» para os guineenses e para os democratas a forma como o Presidente de transição, Serifo Nhamadjo, foi nomeado por um «meninozito» referindo-se ao ministro dos Negócios Estrangeiros da Nigéria. «Nós os guineenses e os democratas não devemos admitir mais este insulto», advogou. Carlos Gomes Júnior terminou o seu discurso dizendo que não pretende continuar a fazer política a partir do exterior, mas sim dentro do território guineense, deixando a entender que regressará muito brevemente à Guiné-Bissau. O Primeiro-ministro deposto da Guiné-Bissau encontra-se na capital cabo-verdiana a participar na reunião do Comité África da Internacional Socialista juntamente com o Secretário-Geral da Internacional Socialista, Luis Ayala, e os Secretários-Gerais do PS de Portugal, António José Seguro, e do Senegal, Tanor Dieng. (c) PNN Portuguese News Network

Multimilionário judaico quer a derrota de Obama

Sheldon Adelson, one of the world’s richest men, has long been active in conservative causes. By some estimates worth as much as $25 billion, Mr. Adelson presides over a global empire of casinos, hotels and convention centers whose centerpiece is the Venetian in Las Vegas, an exuberant monument to excess. While Mr. Adelson’s activism in Israel has been very high-profile, he had been much more private about his political efforts in the United States. That changed in 2012, when Mr. Adelson and his wife, Dr. Miriam Adelson, moved to the forefront in a new trend of the super-rich giving larger than ever support to candidates. By June, the couple had donated at least $35 million to pro-Republican groups known as super PACs, along with several hundred thousand dollars’ worth of $2,500 checks directly to federal candidates. That was more than twice as much money as the closest competitors for the title, the conservative Texas billionaire Harold C. Simmons and his wife, Annette, making Mr. Adelson a uniquely powerful force in the annals of presidential politics. Mr. Adelson was also committed to give at least an additional $10 million to conservative organizations known as 501(c)(4) groups. They are named after the section of tax law under which they are organized and are not allowed to engage in full-time campaign activity. Unlike super PACs, they are not required to disclose their donors. Mr. Adelson has committed to donate at least $10 million to the Crossroads Grassroots Policy Strategies, founded by Karl Rove, according to people with knowledge of his donations. He has discussed contributing another $10 million to groups aligned with Charles and David Koch, the billionaire oil and chemical executives who founded Americans for Prosperity, another issue group. In an interview with Forbes magazine, Mr. Adelson suggested he would consider personally spending as much as $100 million on the 2012 elections. In July, an anti-Obama Republican group called the Republican Jewish Coalition said it planned to begin a multimillion-dollar advertising campaign backed by Mr. Adelson targeting voters in Florida, Ohio and Pennsylvania. The campaign, called “My Buyer’s Remorse,’' uses testimonials from people who say they regret supporting Mr. Obama because of his economic policies and his posture toward Israel, in hopes of cutting into the wide advantage Democrats have held over Republicans among Jewish voters. The New York Times

Bissau: mais sanções para oficiais

On 18 July 2012, the Security Council Committee established pursuant to resolution 2048 (2012) concerning Guinea-Bissau approved the additional designation of the six individuals specified below to be subject to the measures (travel ban) imposed by paragraph 4 of resolution 2048 (2012). 1. Captain (Navy) Sanha CLUSSÉ Nationality: Guinea-Bissau Date of Birth: 28 September 1965 Parentage: Clusse Mutcha and Dalu Imbungue Official function: Acting Navy Chief of Staff Passport: SA 0000515 Date of issue: 08.12.2003 Place of issue: Guinea-Bissau Date of expiry: 29.08.2013 Designation/Justification: Member of the "Military Command" which has assumed responsibility for the coup d'état of 12 April 2012. Very close to António Injai. Sanha Clussé integrated the “Military Command” delegation that met with ECOWAS in Abidjan on 26 April 2012. 2. Colonel Cranha DANFA Nationality: Guinea-Bissau Date of Birth: 05.03.1957 Official function: Head of Operations of the Armed Forces Joint Staff Passport: AAIN29392 Date of issue: 29.09.2011 Place of issue: Guinea-Bissau Date of expiry: 29.09.2016 Designation/Justification: Member of the "Military Command" which has assumed responsibility for the coup d'état of 12 April 2012. Close Advisor to Armed Forces Chief of Staff António Injai. 3. Major Idrissa DJALÓ Nationality: Guinea-Bissau Date of birth: 06 January 1962 Official function: Protocol Advisor to the Armed Forces Chief of Staff Designation/Justification: Point of Contact for the "Military Command" which has assumed responsibility for the coup d'état of 12 April 2012 and one of its most active members. He was one of the first officers to publicly assume his affiliation to the “Military Command”, having signed one of its first communiqués (nº5, dated 13 April 2012). Major Djaló also belongs to the Military Intelligence. 4. Lieutenant-colonel Tchipa NA BIDON Nationality: Guinea-Bissau Date of Birth: 28 May 1954 Parentage: “Nabidom” Official function: Head of Intelligence Passport: Diplomatic Passport DA0001564 Date of issue: 30.11.2005 Place of issue: Guinea-Bissau Date of expiry: 15.05.2011 Designation/Justification: Member of the "Military Command" which has assumed responsibility for the coup d'état of 12 April 2012. 5. Lieutenant-colonel Tcham NA MAN (a.k.a. Namam) Nationality: Guinea-Bissau Date of Birth: 27 February 1953 Parentage: Biute Naman and Ndjade Na Noa Official function: Head of the Armed Forces Military Hospital Passport: SA0002264 Date of issue: 24.07.2006 Place of issue: Guinea-Bissau Date of expiry: 23.07.2009 Designation/Justification: Member of the "Military Command" which has assumed responsibility for the coup d'état of 12 April 2012. Also a member of the Military High Command (highest hierarchy of the Bissau-Guinean Armed Forces) 6. Lieutenant-colonel Júlio NHATE Nationality: Guinea-Bissau Date of Birth: 28 September 1965 Official function: Commander of the Paratroops Regiment Designation/Justification: Member of the "Military Command" which has assumed responsibility for the coup d'état of 12 April 2012. A loyal ally of António Injai, Lt.Col. Júlio Nhate has the material responsibility for the 12 April 2012 coup, having conducted the military operation. Accordingly, the names of the above individuals have been added to the Committee’s consolidated travel ban list, which is available on the Committee’s website at the following URL: http://www.un.org/sc/committees/2048/pdf/2048_travel_ban_list.pdf.

Bissau: não anda nem desanda

Describing the divergent positions of Guinea-Bissau’s international partners on the transitional process emerging in the country following the 12 April military coup d'état, the Secretary-General’s Special Representative there today appealed to the Security Council to call on them to forge a unified strategy for restoring legitimate order. “Bissau-Guineans alone have the responsibility to shape the future of their country indeed,” said Joseph Mutaboba, who is also Head of the United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in Guinea-Bissau (UNIOGBIS). “But equally, regional, continental and international partners must arrive at a common position on how best to assist the country in moving towards the full restoration of constitutional order,” he stressed, while presenting the Secretary-General’s latest report on the troubled West African country. Also addressing the Council were Maria Luiza Ribeiro Viotti (Brazil), in her capacity as Chair of the Guinea-Bissau Configuration of the Peacebuilding Commission; Antonio Gumende (Mozambique), on behalf of the Community of Portuguese-speaking countries (CPLP); and Youssoufou Bamba (Côte d’Ivoire), on behalf of Heads of State of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS). Jose Filipe Moraes Cabral(Portugal) spoke in clarification of the issue. Mr. Mutaboba said national and international opinion was divided over the country’s current transitional arrangements. The country itself was split between those supporting the Transitional Government, notably the Social Renewal Party, the military, the five candidates who had contested the first round of pre-coup presidential elections as well as the forum of opposition political parties, on the one hand, and those who did not recognize the transitional authorities, especially the major African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde (PAIGC) and the National Anti-coup d'état Front (FRENAGOLPE). Along similar lines, civil society was also at odds, and the National Assembly was paralysed over its agenda, resulting in the closure of its current session. He went on to say that the international community was also divided following attempts by the Transitional Government to reach out to international partners with pledges to conduct elections, prosecute those responsible for political assassinations and convene a long-overdue national conference. ECOWAS leaders meeting at the end of June had endorsed the transitional authorities, urging them to follow through on their pledges, and suspended the general sanctions imposed on the country, he said. However, CPLP had issued a statement on 19 July, following the meeting of its Council of Ministers, reaffirming its recognition of the deposed elected authorities. The President of the European Commission, who had attended that meeting, had stressed that the European Union would not tolerate coups in Guinea-Bissau. Efforts by the Secretary-General and UNIOGBIS to harmonize the positions of the international partners had not yet produced the desired results, he continued, adding that in his consultations with a wide range of stakeholders, all groups had stressed the need for the country’s people and leadership to engage in inclusive and frank dialogue. They had also underscored the necessity of tackling the root causes of instability. However, it was critical that ECOWAS and CPLP, in collaboration with the African Union, the European Union and the United Nations, overcome their prevailing differences and agree on a common position. Similarly, all domestic political actors and civil society in Guinea-Bissau must work together to ensure a consensual transition as a step towards restoring constitutional order, he said, adding that national political actors must work towards ending the parliamentary deadlock. Meanwhile, he said, elements of the Economic Community Mission in Bissau (ECOMIB) Force had been deployed to the port and airport as well as to most ministries in Bissau as part of their mandate to secure State institutions. However, deployment of the Force to the National Assembly on 5 July had been suspended following objections by members of the PAIGC, on grounds that the presence of armed individuals contravened parliamentary rules. Mr. Mutaboba added that Guinea-Bissau’s humanitarian, social and economic situation remained fragile, with a wave of criminal activities reported, as well as increased drug trafficking. Ms. Viotti said that since the coup d'état, the Guinea-Bissau Configuration had been striving to facilitate dialogue among the main stakeholders, ECOWAS and CPLP. Nearly four months after the coup, constitutional order had yet to be restored and the humanitarian and economic situation continued to deteriorate. The derailment of the electoral process had reduced international confidence and donor support, thus threatening hard-won socio-economic gains, especially those relating to institution-building, economic recovery, financial management and the fight against drug trafficking. Additionally, the current transitional arrangements had not been accepted by key national stakeholders, and still did not meet the requirements of legitimacy in the eyes of many international partners, she said. Nor was it conducive to stability and to a sustainable political solution since it excluded the country’s main political force. The current transitional arrangement also called into question Guinea-Bissau’s capacity to pursue efforts related to its most pressing peacebuilding priorities, such as security-sector reform, and the fight against impunity and transnational organized crime, particularly drug trafficking. The restoration of constitutional order should evolve through dialogue and negotiation, with the participation of all political forces, she said. The United Nations, African Union, ECOWAS, CPLP and the European Union should seek a convergence of views and mutually reinforce each other’s actions. To that end, she suggested the convening of a high-level meeting be by the Secretary-General, with the aim of articulating a common strategy. Mr. Bamba, speaking on behalf of ECOWAS Heads of State and Government, said the transitional process was hindered by the “pro-Carlos Gomes Junior faction of the PAIGC”, with the active backing of external supporters. Nevertheless, the Transitional Government, which included PAIGC members, remained focused on achieving inclusiveness and consensus. Largely as a result of unrelenting efforts by ECOWAS, there was a new environment of political peace, security and stability, instead of chaos and anarchy, he said. Dialogue between the Gomes faction of the PAIGC and the Transitional Government was ongoing, and efforts were under way to ensure the National Assembly’s smooth functioning. Asking the international community “not to rush decisions, but to allow the internal stakeholders the space to dialogue among themselves”, he said the ECOWAS office in Guinea-Bissau had facilitated meetings with development partners, but regrettably, some countries still refused to deal with the Transitional Government. It was also regrettable that the hard-line PAIGC faction and other international figures continued to support the Gomes faction against the Transition Government. Among urgent priority tasks were the biometric registration of eligible voters, social and economic development, and defence and security-sector reform. The greater the cohesion within the world community, the quicker and more effectively could urgent initiatives be carried out, he emphasized. ECOWAS was ready to meet with CPLP for “open and frank discussions” which would make it possible for the international community to speak with one voice, he said. Mr. Gumende expressed CPLP’s deep concern over the situation in Guinea-Bissau since the coup. Relating the results of the Community’s summit last week, he reiterated its appeal for the convening of a high-level meeting under the aegis of the United Nations, with a view to developing a comprehensive, integrated strategy aimed at restoring constitutional order in Guinea-Bissau, in close coordination with regional partners, notably CPLP, the African Union, ECOWAS and the European Union. Mr. Cabral said the PAIGC, Guinea-Bissau’s major party, was not part of the Transitional Government. Members said to be participating no longer had a connection with the party, as made clear by successive communiqués from the legitimate PAIGC authorities. What had been called the “Gomes faction”, was in fact two thirds of the Guinea-Bissau parliament’s membership, he said, adding that to call that a “faction” lacked “elegance”, to say the least. The country’s international partners had refrained from collaborating with illegitimate authorities and would, no doubt, continue to do so until a credible political transition was in place, he emphasized. He pointed out that criminal activity and drug trafficking had increased, despite what had been described as a return to “normality” in daily life.

Bissau: teriam morto um deputado?

Lusa 20 Jul, 2012, 18:06 O PAIGC, principal partido da Guiné-Bissau e no poder até o golpe de Estado de 12 de abril, disse hoje estar preocupado com "o presumível assassinato" do deputado e ex-governante Roberto Cacheu. O deputado Roberto Cacheu, eleito pelo PAIGC (Partido Africano da Independência da Guiné e Cabo Verde) do qual é membro do `bureau` político, é um conhecido adversário do ex-primeiro-ministro, Carlos Gomes Júnior. É dado como desaparecido desde o dia 26 de dezembro na sequência de uma alegada tentativa de golpe de Estado da qual é apontado como estando envolvido. Alguns círculos políticos guineenses, nomeadamente o Governo de transição, admitem que Roberto Cacheu teria sido assassinado. "O PAIGC tomou conhecimento através da comunicação social do presumível assassinato do camarada Roberto Cacheu, dirigente e deputado integrante do grupo parlamentar do partido. A confirmar-se essa notícia, tratar-se-á de um crime hediondo e gravíssimo que o PAIGC repudia e condena com toda veemência", diz um comunicado do PAIGC. O partido liderado por Carlos Gomes Júnior exorta às autoridades competentes para "um rápido e cabal" esclarecimento do caso e afirma que irá estar atento à evolução dos inquéritos judiciais que o Governo de transição mandou instaurar. TAGS:Júnior, PAIGC Africano

Angola: MPLA em busca de uma vitória credível

Formed just months ago by the highly regarded Abel Chivukuvuku, himself formerly of UNITA and with close links to the late war-time leader Jonas Savimbi, CASA-CE brings a new dynamic to the Angolan political scene. Angolan expert Markus Weimer from London-based think tank Chatham House said that while CASA-CE could only hope to secure a few seats in parliament, its formation was ruffling feathers within the MPLA. "I think the MPLA is worried by CASA-CE because it is an unknown," he said. "The party has come seemingly from nowhere and from nothing and they are not quite sure how to handle them." Weimer said he was confident the MPLA, which has a firm grip on the country's economy and media, both state and private, would win the vote. He added that it was crucial that the doubts over the voting process were cleared up. "The process needs to be seen as legitimate by everyone for the MPLA's win to be accepted," he explained. "The MPLA will be prepared to lose seats if it means the election is regarded as credible and legitimate." Angola's experience of elections is limited, having only previously held two since the country's independence from Portugal in 1975. The 2008 poll passed peacefully despite widespread allegations of vote-rigging, but the election in 1992 was abandoned midway and triggered a second phase of the civil war that lasted until 2002. The first civil war began after independence in 1975 until 1991. There are fears that if opposition parties do not feel the vote is conducted fairly, this could trigger protests and lead to unrest. "We want to keep a positive approach and avoid this," UNITA's Alcides Sakala said. "We will be insisting that the law is followed so that we can avoid other situations that can lead to other difficulties that are not good for the country." He said they had been encouraged by the Supreme Court's June decision to uphold his party's appeal against the appointment of MPLA member Suzanna Ingles to the presidency of the CNE despite only being a lawyer, and not a serving judge as the law required. While this is a legislative election, the vote will also decide who will be Angola's president because a controversial change in the constitution in 2010 means that the head of state is now elected from the top of the list of the party which wins the most parliamentary votes. With the MPLA on course for what seems like another victory, Dos Santos, who has been in power for 33 years since 1979 despite never being formally elected, will be handed a new five-year term. The length of the 69-year-old's presidency, one of the longest in Africa, alongside widespread allegations of illicit enrichment by his family and inner circle, has been a driver for some of the recent youth protests. Despite the country's enormous oil wealth and impressive post-war economic growth, between half and two thirds of the population still live in poverty, many in slum-style conditions without access to running water, sanitation or electricity. IPS

Os malteses são uns preguiçosos

More people die of inactivity in Malta than anywhere else in the world, according to a major study. Physical activity is essential to our health. It is enjoyable, fun, makes us feel good and needs to become a regular part of our daily life Nearly one-fifth of all deaths on the island – 19.2 per cent – can be attributed to the fact that Malta has the most sedentary population of all, with nearly 72 per cent of the Maltese leading physically inactive lifestyles. The causes of death resulting from lack of exercise include coronary heart disease, Type 2 diabetes, breast cancer and colon cancer. The shocking figures – presenting a major public health issue for the Maltese – were published in a series of studies in The Lancet, the prestigious medical journal. In terms of physical inactivity, Malta is followed by Swaziland (69 per cent), Saudi Arabia (68.3 per cent), Serbia (68.3 per cent) and Britain (63.3 per cent). In Britain, for example, 17 per cent of deaths are blamed on lack of physical activity. In other countries, however, the mortality rate from inactivity can be as low as two per cent. In Europe, the rate is the lowest in Greece, at just 4.2 per cent. That in the US is 10.8 per cent. The Times of Malta