Romney ameaça substituir Obama

Au lendemain d'un sondage de l'institut Pew, qui le donnait devant le président Barack Obama de 4 points (49 % à 45 %), Mitt Romney continue sur sa lancée après un premier débat présidentiel réussi. Une nouvelle étude d'opinion de l'institut Gallup, diffusée mardi 9 octobre, le donne devant M. Obama avec 49 % des voix des électeurs susceptibles d'aller voter, contre 46 % pour le démocrate. Chez les électeurs inscrits sur les listes électorales, c'est Barack Obama qui garde une avance de 3 points (49 % à 46 %). Selon Gallup, "aucun des deux résultats ne donne une avance statistique importante à un candidat, mais ensemble ils soulignent la nature compétitive de cette élection et indiquent que Romney bénéficie désormais d'un avantage dans la participation électorale". Le Monde

Júlio Iglésias cantou para o regime da Guiné Equatorial

The Spanish crooner's music was heard live for the first time at the Sipopo Conference Center in Malabo, the ideal setting for such an expected performance. For days, the streets of the capital of Equatorial Guinea has been breathing real expectation for this event with the world famous Julio Iglesias. This meeting with the Malab audience is the beginning of the 2012 international tour he is realizing with great success. During the month of October, the Spanish cities of San Sebastian and Pamplona will be the next venues, followed by Antwerp (Belgium). Sevilla, Medellín and Guayaquil will also receive the singer before the end of the year. Equatorial Guinea’s Press and Information Office. ---- A HRW afirmou que o show de Iglesias foi organizado pela TNO Production Guinea Ecuatorial, empresa de propriedade de um filho do presidente, Teodoro Nguema Obiang Mangue, alvo de várias investigações por corrupção no exterior. http://oglobo.globo.com/cultura/ativistas-criticam-julio-iglesias-por-show-na-guine-equatorial-6286797#ixzz28pXTWuL9

Moçambique: Composição do novo Governo

Presidente da República: Armando Emilio Guebuza Primeiro-ministro: Alberto Clementino Vaquina Negócios Estrangeiros e Cooperação: Oldemiro Julio Balói Vices: Henrique Banze, Eduardo Koloma Planificação e Desenvolvimento: Aiuba Cuereneia Vice: Amélia Nancare Finanças: Manuel Chang Vice: Pedro Couto Agricultura: José Condungua Pacheco Vice: António Raul Limbau Indústria e Comércio: Armando Inronga Vice: Kenneth Marizane Transportes e Comunicações: Paulo Zucula Recursos Minerais: Esperança Bias Vice: Abdul Razak Noormahomed Energia: Salvador Namburete Vice: Jaime Himede Obras Públicas e Habitação: Cadmiel Muthemba Vice: Francisco Pereira Pescas: Victor Borges Vice: Gabriel Muthisse Educação: Augusto Luís Jone Vices: Arlindo Chilundo, Francisco Itai Meque e Leda Florinda Hugo Saúde: Alexandre Manguele Vice: Nazira Abdula Defesa Nacional: Filipe Nyussi Vice: Agostinho Monjane Interior: Alberto Mondlane Vice: José Mandra Administração Estatal: Carmelita Namashalua Vice: Jose Tsambe Combatentes: Mateus Oscar Kida Vice: Marcelino Liphola Turismo: Carvalho Muaria Juventude e Desportos: Fernando Sumbana Júnior Vice: Carlos Castro de Sousa Função Pública: Vitória Diogo Vice: Abdurremane Lino de Almeida Trabalho: Maria Helena Taipo Justiça: Benvinda Levy Vice: Alberto Ntukumula Ciência e Tecnologia: Luís Augusto Pelembe Cultura: Armando Artur Ministra da Mulher e Ação Social: Iolanda Cintura Vice: Virgilio Mateus Coordenação da Ação Ambiental: Alcinda Abreu Vice: Ana Paula Chichava Assuntos da Casa Civil: António Fernandes Sumbana Assuntos Sociais: Feliciano Gundana Governadores provinciais: Niassa - David Marizane Cabo Delgado - Eliseu Machava Nampula -Cidalia Chauque Zambézia - Joaquim Veríssimo Tete - Ratxide Gogo Manica - Ana Comoana Sofala - Félix Paulo Inhambane - Agostinho Trinta Gaza - Raimundo Diomba Maputo - Maria Elias Jonas Maputo Cidade - Lucília Nota Hama Fonte: (Rádio Mocambique/Lusa) - 08.10.2012

Moçambique: "MR. Guebusiness"

The tentacles of Mozambican President Armando Emilio Guebuza's huge family business empire make Zuma Incorporated look like a spaza-shop operation. Guebuza has wide-ranging Mozambican interests in the banking, telecommunications, fisheries, transport, mining and property sectors, among others. Critics complain that, as president, he makes critical decisions about economic matters that have a direct bearing on his business activities. Already a wealthy businessperson when he became president in 2005, Guebuza has steadily expanded his interests, drawing in more and more members of his family. His children Valentina, Armando, Ndambi, Norah and Mussumbuluko, nephews Miguel and Daude, brother-in-law and former defence minister Tobias Dai, Dai’s cousin José Eduardo Dai and sister-in-law Maria da Luz Guebuza now share in the spoils. Known in Mozambique as “Mr Guebusiness”, he has also entered into lucrative partnerships with Indian, Chinese, Dutch and Bermuda-registered companies. His most important South African connection is an interest in Trans African Concessions, the company that operates the crucial N4 toll route between Pretoria and Maputo. Guebuza is on the board of Cornelder, the company that manages the Beira and Quelimane ports. He is also a shareholder in South African cellphone company Vodacom’s Mozambique subsidiary through Intelec Holdings, a sprawling group that administers the president’s investments. With interests in electricity transmission and equipment, telecommunications, gas, consulting, cement, tourism, construction, Tata vehicles and fishing, Intelec holds 5% of Vodacom Moçambique, the private cellphone company that competes with the state operator, Cornelder de Moçambique. Intelec, chaired by the former head of Mozambique’s employer body, Confederação das Associações Económicas, also has a stake in Moçambique Capitais, which recently launched the bank Moza Banco in partnership with Macau magnate Stanley Ho’s Geocapital. The group has started a consulting company called Intelec Business Advisory and Consulting, in which a Mozambican resident of Cape Town, Tania Romana Matsinhe, has a 35% stake and serves as chief executive. Among its other shareholders is Guebuza’s son, Armando, with a 12.5% stake. Matsinhe served as economic adviser to the Mozambique minister of planning and development and also sits on the board of 1Time airline. One of Guebuza’s business front-men, Intelec director Salimo Amad Abdula, has links to chalk-mining operations in Mozambique and picked up a 15% stake in Elephant Cement Moçambique in May last year. This makes him a partner of Indian cement manufacturer Shree Cement, which holds the rest of the shares in Elephant Cement. The family member with the widest range of business interests is Guebuza’s youngest daughter, 31-year-old Valentina, who already has several directorships under her belt and a growing list of companies linked to her name. In 2001 Valentina became a shareholder in the family’s holding company, Focus 21 Management and Development Limited, with her brothers Armando and Mussumbuluko. In 2007 she took a giant step when she became a shareholder in Beira Grain Terminal, which operates the bulk grain terminal in the Mozambican port. Valentina has a 2.5% stake in the consortium, the three main shareholders of which are Bermuda-registered company Seaboard Moz Ltd (32.5%), state-owned port and railway company Portos e Caminhos de Ferro de Moçambique (15%) and Cornelder de Moçambique (15%). She is also believed to be a shareholder in Cornelder. The network of family members that dominates the Guebuza empire also includes José Eduardo Dai, who has partnered Valentina in a range of enterprises. In 2008 the pair joined forces with Carlos Salvador, a Mozambican businessperson with interests in South Africa, in launching computing and telecommunications firm Orbttelcom. In the same year José Eduardo Dai, Valentina and Mussumbuluko created mining company Dai Servicon Limited. In 2009 they featured as directors in the newly formed import-export company Mozambique Investment and Development Limited, again after its rules were structured to accommodate the two members of the president’s family. Valentina is also joint owner of Imogrupo, which has interests in real estate, engineering, construction, hospitality and tourism. She has an interest in Maputo’s Tunduro Botanical Gardens, which are being rehabilitated with municipal funds. Valentina is chief executive of Chinese-owned TV company StarTimes, which has a joint undertaking with the Guebuza-owned Focus 21 to digitise public broadcasting. There was no public tender for the contract. Guebuza’s oldest son, Armando, has a degree in architecture from a South African university. His name appears among the directors of seven registered companies in Mozambique. With South African and Angolan partners, he registered a company last year called Billion Group Moçambique, which has interests in mining, energy, construction and public works. It appears to be part of the Bongani Investment Holdings empire—a Christian business network that has close links with South African President Jacob Zuma. Its chief executive, Alph Lukau, is the pastor who officiated at the lavish wedding of Zuma’s daughter Duduzane last year. Guebuza’s other son, Mussumbuluko, with siblings Armando and Valentina, is the Maputo representative of Christian Bonja, a Lebanese company owned by Michal Mansou, who is well known in the Middle East and Europe for handmade Lebanese jewellery and Swiss watches. Linked to four undertakings by the companies register, Mussumbuluko is on the board of Intelec. Guebuza’s oldest daughter, Norah, has also entered the field after her father again amended company rules in 2005 to allow her to become a Focus 21 director. She joined forces with Zimbabwean and Mozambican partners to launch the firm MBT Construçoes Lda, specialising in construction and public works, at the beginning of last year. Guebuza’s nephew, Miguel, launched his business career in 1993 by partnering Guebuza in a furniture and import-export company, Venturin. Miguel is a director in the construction consulting company Englob-Consultores Lda, in which one of his partners is Tendai Mavhunga, Guebuza’s son-in-law. Mail & Guardian, Joanesburgo

Guiné-Bissau: EUA admitem recurso a "drones"

À margem da Assembleia Geral das Nações Unidas, o Presidente Interino da Guiné-Bissau, Sarifo Nhamadjo, recebeu em audiência em Nova York emissários do departamento de estado norte-americano, num encontro centrado na problemática do narcotráfico na África Ocidental, em particular naquele pais. Com vários factores a concorrerem a partida para esta crescente apreensão da actual administração americana face ao alastramento do narcotráfico na região, Washington quis no fundo obter de Nhamadjo garantias seguras do engajamento das novas autoridades bissau-guineenses no combate a este flagelo. Os Estados Unidos manifestam-se disponíveis a apoiar as autoridades guineenses no desmantelamento das redes do narcotráfico que têm servido de fonte de financiamento dos grupos terroristas que operam na região. Para o efeito, Washington pretende de Bissau o aval para envolver as sofisticadas aeronaves não tripuladas, os conhecidos “Drones”, na vigilância permanente do espaço territorial sob jurisdição guineense. Esta disponibilidade dos Estados Unidos ficou patente no encontro que os emissários do assistente do secretario de estado americano para os assuntos africanos, Johnnie Carson, mantiveram em Nova York com o Presidente da República de transição guineense. Para Washington a insustentável e delicada realidade do narcotráfico na Guiné-Bissau impõe um urgente tratamento de choque. Utilizados pelo governo norte americano no combate a actividades terroristas no Afeganistão, no Iraque, na região do Corno de África e mais recentemente no norte de África, e no combate ao trafico da cocaína nas águas caribenhas, a Guiné-Bissau poderá em breve figurar na rota dessas aeronaves. Entre a velada pressão dos americanos e a ainda incógnita receptividade de Bissau, a ideia, com os militares golpistas a reservarem-se obviamente o direito à última palavra, Nhamadjo deixou os Estados Unidos esta quarta-feira, rumo a Bissau. “O transbordo de drogas através das porosas fronteiras do país está a aumentar desde o golpe militar de Abril último”- quem o afirma é Yuri Fedotov, o director da agência da ONU para o combate as Drogas e o Crime, Unodc. Para o Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas, a Guiné-Bissau está a reforçar a sua notoriedade como uma das principais placas giratórias da cocaína traficada para o mercado europeu. Perante tal cenário, Washington desdobra-se em denúncias de uma alegada promiscuidade entre sectores das estruturas militares do pais envolvidas no golpe militar e as redes do crime organizado. Já em 2010, os Estados Unidos haviam alertado as então autoridades guineenses para as consequências da nomeação de oficiais com suspeitas de cumplicidade as redes da cocaína. Um caso que a administração americana nunca perdoaria a Malam Bacai Sanhá e Carlos Gomes Júnior. Na sequencia deste acto de “rebeldia” duas altas patentes militares guineenses, o chefe de estado maior das força aérea e o ex-chefe de Estado Maior da Armada, respectivamente, Ibraima Camará e Bubo Na Tchuto, figuram desde então numa lista de “traficantes” do departamento de tesouro norte americano. Sob os dois oficiais impende a acusação de facilitadores de um carregamento de cocaína proveniente, em 2008, da Venezuela. Factos que ambos entretanto desmentem. Mas e com a conexão entre as redes do narcotráfico na África Ocidental e os grupos militantes islâmicos que operam no norte de África, com estes últimos a chamarem a si a tarefa de protecção das rotas da cocaína sul americanas pelo Sahel, e nos riscos da intensificação da operacionalidade de tais movimentos islâmicos em regiões ricas em urânio, petróleo e gás natural, que Washington está preocupada. Os próprios serviços secretos americanos não têm dúvidas do envolvimento de militantes vinculados ao grupo extremista Ansar al-Sharia, e de supostos membros da célula da al-Qaeda no norte da África, conhecida como al-Qaeda no Magrebe Islâmico, no ataque às instalações daquele consulado dos Estados Unidos, que vitimou o embaixador Chris Stevens e três outros Americanos que se encontravam na Líbia. A facilidade com que estes grupos extremistas se movimentam pelas “terras de ninguém” do Sahel, quais corredores para o tráfico e o crime organizado atestam, por outro lado, o quão real se tornou a ameaça do narco-terrorismo no continente. Para Washington a possibilidade de ocorrência de um cenário desta natureza na Guiné-Bissau, não está fora das suas previsões. Basta recordar que em Janeiro de 2008, uma operação conjunta envolvendo agentes dos serviços secretos franceses e da Polícia Judiciária guineense culminou na detenção, num hotel de Bissau, de Ould Sinda e Ould Sidi Charnou, operacionais da rede terrorista Al Qaida do Magreb, envolvidos um mês antes na Mauritânia, no sequestro e assassinato de quatro turistas franceses . Os dois teriam conseguido livrar-se da perseguição policial transfronteiriça e infiltrar-se pelas porosas fronteiras guineenses, disfarçados de homens de negócios, com o apoio de alegadas células locais daquele grupo extremista islâmico. E, pois confrontado com estes riscos que os Estados Unidos prontificam-se a um maior engajamento, com os parceiros oeste africanos no combate do flagelo através da “entrada a cena” dos aviões espiões não tripulados. Para já pouco ou nada se conhece dos moldes da proposta americana, nomeadamente se a semelhança da experiencia etíope, a mesma implicaria a instalação de bases de operacionalidade das aeronaves. Nhamadjo deixou os Estados Unidos esta quarta feira, rumo a Bissau levando ainda na bagagem um projecto de acordo de “Open Sky” (Céu Aberto) que permitiria a liberalização do acesso das aeronaves comerciais aos espaços aéreos dos respectivos países a par de um acordo bilateral que garanta a imunidade a soldados americanos diante do Tribunal Penal Internacional.. Trata-se de um expediente através do qual, Washington tem procurado arrebanhar apoios através de acordos bilaterais já rubricados com mais de 50 países. Diplomatas africanos nas Nações Unidas reconhecem que, ante a situação de isolamento internacional a que Bissau se encontra confinada, na sequência do golpe militar de 12 de Abril, com um simples “aceno”, Washington limitou-se a chamar a atenção das novas autoridades para as contrapartidas necessárias, em troca do reconhecimento. Nelson Herbert – Jornalista herbertlopes@yahoo.com Publicado no Novo Jornal de Angola

Argélia: Morreu Chadli Bendjedid

Algerian former President Chadli Bendjedid has died of cancer at the age of 83, state-run media have announced. Mr Bendjedid died at an Algiers military hospital where he was taken when his condition worsened a week ago. He served four terms from 1979-1992, and had begun to implement moves towards multi-party democracy. But he was forced from office as the military stepped in when Islamists were set to win power in parliamentary elections as a result of his reforms. Violence broke out in Algeria as the army dissolved parliament in 1992 and cracked down on Islamists across the country, sparking a long and bloody civil war. Mr Bendjedid served as defence minister under Houari Boumedienne who died in December 1978. Two months later he took over as president. Three days of mourning have been declared. BBC

Guiné-Bissau: O que diz o general Indjai

General Antonio Indjai, 57, is the chief of staff of Guinea-Bissau’s armed forces, and on April 12 he overthrew the elected government in a coup, citing as the reason the presence of the Angolan military. The 270 soldiers from Angola had originally arrived to help reform Guinea-Bissau’s armed forces, which stand accused of involvement in a cocaine transshipment trade that sees an estimated 30 tons of the illegal substance ending up in Europe every year. The U.N. Office on Drugs and Crime has noted an increase in drug trafficking since the coup, which was triggered by allegations that the Angolans were plotting to destroy Guinea-Bissau’s military. In response to the coup, all foreign aid to the government was cut. West Africa’s regional bloc, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), has since deployed a stabilizing force inside Guinea-Bissau. Indjai met TIME’s Jessica Hatcher at the military barracks in the capital, Bissau, on Oct. 2, 2012. TIME: What is the relationship between the military and the transitional government? Indjai: It is a positive relationship. That means, we are agreed on all facts, from A through to Z. It is positive in every way. (MORE: Griselda Blanco, ‘Godmother’ of Cocaine, Gunned Down in Colombia) Some say it’s you with the power, not the government. What do you say to that? I ask you, who has real power anyway? I ask you, who does decide on power in the world? There has been talk of adding more forces to the current ECOWAS forces deployed in Guinea-Bissau. Would that work? For the world to be preoccupied with a place like this, where there is no need for foreign forces and where there is peace, it makes no sense. Let them send their troops where there is a need, to Mali and to Syria, for example. If the U.N. is not concerned with these countries, why is it concerning itself with Guinea-Bissau? Do you see anyone being killed in the street here? No. What’s the problem? Let them go to Syria instead. If Carlos Gomes Jr. were to come back, would the former Prime Minister be safe? We would not be responsible for Carlos Gomes Jr.’s security on his return. If he were to come back, he’d be responsible for his own security. I repeat, if he were to come back, whatever happened to him would be his own or the U.N.’s responsibility. When do you expect a new round of elections? If the U.N. continues to instigate trouble in Guinea-Bissau, people will not have enough time to prepare for elections. With the transitional period standing at one year, if the troubles continue, then how can we prepare in time for elections? They must pipe down and allow us to organize the elections freely with the current government. The first problem is why they are granting [the deposed interim President] Raimundo Pereira a voice at the U.N. [General Assembly] when he has been dismissed by a coup — how can he speak on behalf of the people? Who is he reporting to? He has been absent for 90 days. I call that trouble. How do you consider U.S. politics with a view to Guinea-Bissau? Very, very positive. (MORE: Four Years Later, It’s Time to Scrap the Dead-End Drug War) I have read a lot about the April 12 coup but would like to hear about it from you. Why did you organize a coup? We didn’t organize a coup, we organized a countercoup. Do you know the origins of this coup? Angola and Carlos Gomes Jr. Would America allow a foreign army with heavier weapons than them inside the United States? We said [to Angola], Either you give these weapons to us, or, if not, leave the country and we will continue with cooperation between our two countries in the future. They said no, and only reinforced their own weaponry. I’m asking you, in light of this, what is the origin of the coup? Angola and Carlos Gomes Jr. If we hadn’t organized a coup before them, they’d have reinforced their troops here and arrested us. The intention of Carlos Gomes Jr. was to have international forces to add to the Angolan troops, which meant they could have struck us down at any time. I drew [Carlos Gomes Jr.'s] attention to this more than 20 times — I said not to bring Angolan troops here. This is why we organized a coup. I didn’t ask that he remove the Angolan troops, just that he solve the problem of the weapons. I’ve heard people in the street say that the coup represents a failure of democracy. Of course I agree the coup is a failure of democracy. A coup has no place in a democracy. But if you have no other means of escape, you have to look for a solution. For example, if I took you and locked you in this room with my weapon and I were to shoot, how would you react? You’d want to escape, and you might break down the door — you’d take any means that you could in order to get out. We removed just two people — the Prime Minister and the President. Where else does that exist, that a coup d’état happens and no one dies? Not one. Since they didn’t want to take our advice, we said leave or you will be dismissed. (PHOTOS: Guinea-Bissau: World’s First Narco-State) The head of the U.N. Office on Drugs and Crime, Yuri Fedotov, said last week that drug trafficking in Guinea-Bissau has increased since the coup. What are your observations on that? We are requesting that they send a special mission to investigate and evidence this, to see where and when the drugs have come through here since April, and whether it really has increased or not. The representative of the U.N. here is a crook — he’s the brother-in-law of Cadogo [a nickname for Carlos Gomez Jr.]. All this information has been prepared by [Joseph] Mutabobo [the U.N.’s special representative to Guinea-Bissau] — if I were the government, I’d consider him persona non grata. Some say that the chief of the armed forces in Guinea-Bissau is involved in drug trafficking: How do you respond to that? Show me the proof. I tell you, all the people who are providing this information are crooks. Because I didn’t obey Carlos Gomes Jr., they are chasing me out of the country. I want proof — let them provide that proof. Was Carlos Gomes Jr. involved in the death of President João Bernardo “Nino” Vieira? I don’t know. That is political. Were you involved? For what? Why should I be involved in that? This is no more than the gossip on the street. If I wasn’t in power at that time, how should I know? I wasn’t the chief of staff then. Let us ask Carlos Gomes Jr., the former Prime Minister. Read more: http://world.time.com/2012/10/02/dialogue-with-a-coup-leader-has-guinea-bissau-become-a-narco-state/#ixzz28LCuWej6