Bissau: Ministro processa o Ministério Público

O ministro do Interior da Guiné-Bissau, António Suca Ntchama, acusado de ter forçado o embarque dos 74 sírios com passaportes falsos num avião da TAP, anunciou que vai apresentar uma queixa-crime contra o Procurador-Geral da República. Através de uma nota de imprensa assinada pelo seu advogado, António Suca Ntchama diz que foi vítima de difamação por parte do Procurador guineense, Abdú Mané, quando este afirmou publicamente que se teria recusado a ser detido. Em nota de esclarecimento, o Procurador-Geral da República guinenese afirmou que o diretor-geral da Polícia Judiciária, Armando Namontche, teria recusado acatar a ordem de detenção dada pelos magistrados contra o ministro Suca Ntchama. Para o advogado, em nenhuma circunstância António Suca Ntchama foi informado "nos autos" que deveria ser detido, "como relata o Procurador", e também não existe nenhum documento escrito que possa provar que o diretor da PJ se recusou a cumprir a alegada ordem. Por outro lado, o advogado de Suca Ntchama entende que mesmo havendo uma ordem de detenção, à luz da lei aplicável em casos de crime cometidos por titulares de cargos públicos, a Assembleia Nacional Popular (ANP, Parlamento) devia ser chamada a pronunciar-se sobre o levantamento da imunidade do governante, o que não foi o caso, assinalou. O advogado Basilio Sanca considera, por isso, que o Procurador-Geral da República incorreu num crime de divulgação do segredo da justiça ao admitir publicamente que o ministro do Interior, Suca Ntchama, teria agido de forma ilegal ao obrigar, via telefónica, que a tripulação da TAP levasse para Lisboa os 74 sírios. Também em nota de imprensa, a Polícia Judiciária diz que "em nenhuma circunstância" recebeu qualquer mandado de detenção ou de condução à cadeia relativa ao ministro do Interior, António Suca Ntchama, como afirmou o Procurador-Geral da República. A PJ insta Abdú Mané a tornar publico o ofício com qual solicitou a intervenção do diretor da corporação. O Procurador havia anunciado que vai mandar abrir um processo disciplinar contra o diretor da PJ, Armando Namontche, por desobediência e eventualmente um outro processo de natureza criminal Novas da Guiné-Bissau

Sudão do Sul: As dificuldades de se viver em democracia

South Sudan’s deepening conflict looks to be a tragic replay of an old, familiar story: rival African tribes killing one another in the latest round of an age-old conflict, this time made more deadly by the presence of modern automatic assault rifles and heavy weapons. It’s a narrative that confirms all that people thought they knew about Africa – that ancient, intractable tribalism once again brings a country to its knees. It's an analysis that seems to explain everything without actually telling us anything. It allows us to nod sagely, and dismiss the violence as something embedded deep in the blood of the communities now killing one another. At the same time, it excuses us from understanding what really is driving the violence. Interpreting the conflict as “tribal”, is after all, an inherently racist understanding that implies there is something primal and undeveloped about African states in general, and that South Sudan in particular is somehow being dragged down in a bloody, historical inevitability. In fact, it is an interpretation that is superficial at best, but when it drives policy and peace deals, it becomes downright dangerous. In South Sudan’s case, this particular episode had its roots in the civil war that split the greater Sudan, and created South Sudan in the first place. The causes of the war seemed pretty obvious: the black Christian south rebelled against ethno/religious domination from the Arab Muslim north. It was a narrative that played particularly well in the United States, where the south received political and financial support from two of the biggest lobbies – African Americans and the evangelical Christian churches. It also led to the only obvious solution – separate the warring ethnic groups. Problem solved. But the conflict was never really about ethnicity or religion. It is true that Arab Muslims dominate the north, and black Christians the south, but during the war thousands of southerners sought refuge in Khartoum. And Khartoum sought allies among the southern groups – including the current “rebel” leader Riek Machar. At its heart, the civil war was about politics. It was a rebellion by the periphery against the control of power and resources by a Khartoum-based elite. The late John Garang understood that. He led the Sudan People’s Liberation Army – the dominant rebel force in the south – until he died in a helicopter crash soon after signing the comprehensive peace agreement with Khartoum. But he never believed in dividing Sudan. He always argued that the south could achieve its aims through a political revolution, and that its interests were better served by remaining a part of the greater Sudan. Using ethnic patronage When he died, that vision went with him. And so did any chance of real political reform, either in Khartoum or in Juba. Because the focus of the peace negotiators was on an ethnic solution, nobody tackled the far tougher but more fundamental problem of the underlying political crisis. (And because Khartoum’s corrosive, selfish politics never changed, it triggered the Darfur crisis, and rebellions in the Nuba Mountains and Blue Nile provinces). Not only did the politics remain unchanged in Khartoum; it also remained the same in the newly independent Juba. Instead of solving the problems that triggered the war in the first place, the negotiators simply chopped them into two. There is of course an ethnic element to the crisis – the slaughter of one tribe by its rivals is plain enough to see. But for anyone who cares to look closely enough, there are enough exceptions to befuddle the notion that blood alone is enough to explain the killing. Rival warlords have never let ethnicity stop them from making deals when it suited them. The fault lies not in the DNA of the South Sudanese tribes. It lies with the political leaders who use ethnic patronage to build their power bases; or who incite their ethnic kin to carve out a geographic or political niche. In Juba, as in Khartoum, the institutions of state have centralised power around the presidency. And the political leaders who all came to power as military commanders, have continued to run politics as they did their armies – in a top-down manner, delivering orders and micro-managing control, and ruthlessly punishing dissent. Of course that is the polar opposite of the way a democracy is supposed to work. Democracies are messy things, that demand negotiation, compromise and patience. South Sudan’s oil wealth hasn’t helped, turning the business of government into more of an unseemly scramble for the money than any attempt to create a healthy functioning democracy. So ultimately, any solution that fails to change the fundamental way politics is done in South Sudan is no solution at all. If we wind up with a “power sharing” deal that papers over the structural cracks without tackling the political culture, the country will settle back into an uneasy calm but it will, inevitably, explode once again. It may take years or even decades, but it is almost guaranteed Aljazeera

RDC: Ataques originam dezenas de mortos

The Democratic Republic of Congo's army has repulsed several attacks in the capital, Kinshasa, by an "unknown terrorist group", the government says. The state TV headquarters, the international airport and a military base in the city were all targeted. The information minister said the situation was now under control and about 46 attackers had been killed. Meanwhile, the army has also clashed with unknown gunmen on the outskirts of Lubumbashi, a military spokesman said. He told the BBC that some of the attackers in Lubumbashi, the main city of DR Congo's southern mineral-rich Katanga province, had been arrested. Congolese security officers position themselves as they secure the street near the state television headquarters (C) in the capital Kinshasa, 30 December 2013 The attackers interrupted the national broadcaster during a live programme President Joseph Kabila, who won his second term in office two years ago, is touring Katanga but was not under any threat, DR Congo's Information Minister Lambert Mende told the BBC. 'Shooting everywhere' Mr Mende said the attackers at the state TV and radio headquarters had been armed with weapons such as knives, and there was "no chance of them even to maintain their positions, even for a single hour". Map "People were frightened when security personnel were firing against these attackers," the minister told the BBC's Focus on Africa radio programme after visiting the RTNC headquarters. He said the attackers numbered fewer than 100 and that the security forces had killed about 46 of them and captured about 10. On the government's side, an army colonel was killed when the attackers struck the military base, Mr Mende told the BBC. He said he understood that two staff members forced to read a statement on TV were safe. Reuters said the statement appeared to be a political message against President Kabila's government.

"Gideon Mukungubila has come to free you from the slavery of the Rwandan," said the message, according to Reuters. In 1997, Rwandan-backed troops ousted DR Congo's long-serving ruler Mobutu Sese Seko and installed Laurent Kabila - the father of incumbent leader Joseph Kabila - as president. According to Reuters, Gideon is the nickname used for religious leader Paul Joseph Mukungubila (foto) by his followers. He ran unsuccessfully for president in 2006.

Zimbabwe: Embaixadora pede asilo político

PERTH, Australia (Reuters) - Zimbabwe's ambassador to Australia has asked for political asylum just days before her term ends saying she fears for her safety if she goes home, media reported on Saturday. Jacqueline Zwambila, who is a member of Zimbabwe's opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), was appointed to Australia to renew ties between the countries after a unity government was formed in Zimbabwe in 2009. MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai shared power with veteran leader Robert Mugabe in the unity government until a July 31 election which Mugabe won. The opposition rejected the vote as fraudulent but it was largely endorsed by African observers as free and credible. "I am not going to be returning to Zimbabwe," Zwambila told Australia's Fairfax media. Zwambila said the election had been "stolen" by an "illegitimate" government and she would not feel safe going home. Zwambila, who was recalled along with other envoys after Mugabe took office again, has been accused in Zimbabwe of conduct not befitting a diplomat, media in Zimbabwe has reported. Zwambila has voiced fears of detention if she were to return home, saying she had been threatened with arrest in Zimbabwe after a court found that she owed some money to a tradesman. She denies the charge. Zwambila was not available for comment on Saturday. Australia joined the United States and Britain in questioning the credibility of the July election. A spokesman for Australia's Immigration Minister Scott Morrison said the government did not confirm or otherwise comment on any individual applications made to it. (Reporting by Morag MacKinnon; Editing by Robert Birsel)

Mali: Ex-Presidente acusado de alta traição

Le gouvernement malien a demandé que des poursuites pour "haute trahison" soient engagées contre l'ex-président Amadou Toumani Touré (ATT), accusé d'avoir laissé le nord du Mali tomber aux mains de groupes armés. "C'est sur saisine du gouvernement malien que le parquet de la Cour suprême du Mali demande à la Haute Cour de justice d'engager (des) poursuites pour 'haute trahison' contre l'ancien président Amadou Toumani Touré", a expliqué à l'AFP un membre de la Cour suprême. Selon la même source, le parquet de la Cour supême a demandé "à l'Assemblée nationale d'autoriser l'ouverture d'une enquête pour 'haute trahison'". Selon la loi malienne, c’est la Haute Cour de justice qui peut juger un président ou ex président de la République. Ses membres sont choisis parmi les députés. ATT, accusé d'avoir "détruit un outil de défense nationale" Amadou Toumani Touré, renversé en mars 2012 par un coup d'État mené par le capitaine Amadou Sanogo, est accusé d'avoir "facilité la pénétration et l’installation des forces étrangères sur le territoire national, notamment en ne leur opposant aucune résistance", a indiqué le gouvernement dans un communiqué vendredi. L'ancien président est également accusé d'avoir "détruit ou détérioré volontairement un outil de défense nationale" et d’avoir participé à "une entreprise de démoralisation de l’armée", selon le communiqué. Amadou Toumani Touré avait été renversé, après dix ans au pouvoir, par un coup d'État qui avait précipité la chute du nord du Mali aux mains de rebelles touareg et de groupes islamistes armés. >> Lire aussi : à Dakar, ATT se tait et se terre. Les jihadistes ont occupé cette région pendant neuf mois avant d'en être en partie chassés par une intervention militaire internationale lancée par la France en janvier 2013 et toujours en cours. Les putschistes avaient justifié le renversement d'ATT par l'incapacité d'un État corrompu à lutter contre la montée des périls dans le nord du pays - groupes jihadistes et criminels, rébellion touareg... (AFP)

Sudão do Sul: O Japão ofereceu munições

The Abe administration on Dec. 23 ordered a Ground Self-Defense Force unit deployed in U.N. peacekeeping operations in South Sudan to give 10,000 rounds of rifle ammunition to South Korean armed forces. The ammunition, which was provided for free through the U.N. Mission in the Republic of South Sudan (UNMISS), was the first that Japan has ever offered to the United Nations or another country. The move was treated as an "exceptional case" under Japan's Law on Cooperation for United Nations Peacekeeping Operations and Other Operations as well as the "three principles on weapons exports," which effectively bans all arms exports. To justify the supply of the ammunition, the government stressed the "urgent necessity and the highly humanitarian nature of the situation." The government's stance represents a clear break with tradition. All previous administrations repeatedly told the Diet that they did not expect Japan to be asked to supply weapons or ammunition to the United Nations under the nation's peacekeeping operations law, and that Japan would not comply if any such request were made. But now that the government has actually complied with such a request, the Diet must deliberate on this matter. The credibility of our country's legal system would be seriously shaken if any administration were allowed to get away with arbitrarily re-interpreting the laws in disregard of previous administrations' statements in the Diet. Though the Diet is currently in recess, opposition parties are demanding that this matter be debated by pertinent committees of the Diet. The government must immediately explain itself thoroughly to the Diet and the public. A close and detailed examination is necessary to determine whether the government has acted appropriately. With respect to the three principles on weapons exports, Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshihide Suga emphasized in his released statement that the government had acted out of "urgent necessity." But this is hardly a sufficient explanation. The three principles do not "anticipate" any instance of Japan providing weapons and ammunition to the United Nations. We demand that the government explain its action to our satisfaction. In its national security strategy released earlier this month, the Abe administration spelled out its intention to review the three principles on arms exports. The administration must never be allowed to use this "exceptional case" of delivery of GSDF ammo through the UNMISS as the first step toward piecemeal erosion of the arms exports ban. At the end of the day, there are too many unclear points about this "exceptional case" to verify the appropriateness of the government's decision. For instance, we don't know the circumstances under which the United Nations asked Japan for the ammo giveaway. The South Korean side said it did not request Japan's help in desperation, but what, exactly, was the situation? And what sort of discussion did the newly created National Security Council have before it decided to provide the ammunition? The government needs to answer these questions in detail. Any discrepancy between Seoul's explanation and Tokyo's could aggravate the already strained bilateral relationship. And down the road, Tokyo ought to disclose how the ammo was used. The National Security Council, whose members include the prime minister and the defense minister, is a very small organization. If the government fails to tell the public how the council discussed the matter, it cannot expect to gain widespread understanding. The last thing our country needs is for the Abe administration to get the SDF more deeply involved in international conflicts by letting the National Security Council call the shots and establish new precedents in the absence of any legal framework, and in the name of "proactive pacifism." --The Asahi Shimbun, Dec. 25

Bissau: Andam a brincar às presidenciais

Nuno Nabian, actual director-geral da Agência de Aviação Civil da Guiné-Bissau, candidatou-se esta segunda-feira, 23 de Dezembro, ao cargo de Presidente da República para as eleições gerais, agendas para o dia 16 de Março. Em declarações durante a cerimónia, Nuno Nabian assegurou que a sua candidatura não representa apenas mais uma de um guineense que, no exercício do seu direito de cidadania, decidiu candidatar-se. Neste sentido, Nabian disse que ira trabalhar com lealdade, dando o seu melhor para que a Guiné-Bissau mude de rumo e possa ser um país onde funcionam as leis e um bem-estar para todos. Apesar desta determinação, o candidato garantiu que tentou evitar ingressar na política, de forma activa. Contudo, não conseguiu resistir à tentação por parte dos seus apoiantes, tendo informado que vai contribuir, em caso da sua eleição, para salvar o país das graves crises que enfrenta e fazer face aos mais difíceis desafios. «A Guiné-Bissau não deveria no século XXI, e no mundo globalizado, estar a dever a nenhum outro país ou nenhuma outra sociedade e a nenhum outro título que seja», referiu Nuno Nabian. Assim, reconheceu que é extremamente difícil recuperar o tempo perdido. O candidato acrescentou que a sua candidatura resulta de uma análise ponderada sobre a realidade sociopolítica da Guiné-Bissau, desde a independência nacional, passando pelas constantes crises político-militares, que levaram à destruição gradual do aparelho de Estado e consequentemente à desorganização da sociedade guineense. Oficialmente, três pessoas já manifestaram a intenção de se candidatar à mais alta magistratura da Guiné-Bissau nas próximas eleições: Paulo Gomes, Tcherno Djalo e Nuno Gomes Nabian. ---------Novas da Guiné-Bissau---- É evidente que tudo isto é uma brincadeira e que ninguém está certo de que se concretizem eleições antes do fim de Março. A Guiné-Bissau encontra-se num estado caricato.