As perspectivas da Ásia no ano de 2014

Across much of Asia, 2013 proved unexpectedly testing. Demand from the US and the EU remained sluggish, while the threat of an end to the asset-purchasing programme of the Federal Reserve (the US central bank) sent many Asian currencies tumbling and heightened investors' concerns. There are good reasons to be hopeful about 2014, however. It should be a big year for economic reform, with progress made in international trade and in China. Several nations go to the ballot box and look set to replace clapped-out governments with more energetic administrations. But there are also grave risks to several of the region's less secure areas. Voters in three of the world's biggest democracies will cast their ballots in the next six months. India is likely to see its most partisan election in decades. The ruling Indian National Congress has had a poor term and is under pressure from the main opposition Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). The BJP's prime ministerial candidate, Narendra Modi, is a divisive figure nationally, tainted by bloody Hindu-Muslim riots that broke out on his watch in 2002, which left over 1,000 people dead. Nevertheless, he is popular in the business community and has enjoyed great success as chief minister of Gujarat. The power of state-based parties means that a coalition government is all but guaranteed. Should the BJP emerge as the largest party, securing the support of smaller entities will be a challenge for Mr Modi, as he remains reviled in Muslim communities. A coalition administration will also be formed in Indonesia following a parliamentary election in April. The largest component is likely to be that from the current main opposition Indonesian Democratic Party–Struggle (PDI-P), whose stock has risen purely by avoiding the corruption scandals that have tainted its rivals. The subsequent presidential election hinges on if and when the PDI-P leader, a former president, Megawati Sukarnoputri, stands aside for the hugely popular and unorthodox Joko Widodo, the mayor of the capital, Jakarta. Given his clean reputation and refusal to kowtow to interest groups, a Widodo-led government is the brightest prospect for Indonesia in an otherwise dismal field. Bangladesh will attempt to elect a new government in January, but should the main opposition Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) choose to boycott—as now looks inevitable—another poll later in 2014 is possible. The one certainty is that the interminable rivalry between the BNP's leader, Khaleda Zia, and the prime minister, Sheikh Hasina Wajed, will continue. A significant election will also be held in Fiji, where the prime minister and orchestrator of the 2006 coup, Voreqe "Frank" Bainimarama, has kept citizens waiting to vote for five years. A new constitution and voting procedures ought to make the country more democratic. We are dubious about Commodore Bainimarama's commitment to plurality, however, especially if it points to his removal from power. Elsewhere in the Pacific, New Caledonia may call a referendum on independence from France. The poll can be called at any time between 2014 and 2018. Powder kegs and tinderboxes Security risk in several Asian countries worsened in the final months of 2013, and we expect little improvement in 2014. Anti-government protests returned to the streets of the Thai capital, Bangkok, which led the prime minister, Yingluck Shinawatra, to call an early election for February. Of greatest concern is the fact that the demonstrators, linked to the opposition Democrat Party, are showing little interest in the outcome. The protest leader, Suthep Thaugsuban, has called for the government to be overthrown and replaced by an unelected "people's council". This retrograde step has yet to capture the imagination of the army or the royal family, but suggests that the election will not resolve Thailand's future, whatever the outcome. The threat to stability posed by the eventual passing of Thailand's elderly king also looms large. Equally as unpredictable is the course for North Korea. Kim Jong-un's decision to execute his uncle, Jang Song-thaek, showed that the youngest Kim does not lack for confidence. We expect high-level defections, hitherto rare, to increase. Political instability at home often prompts more provocative behaviour abroad, which could bode ill for South Korea. Jang Song-thaek's link to China could also fray bilateral ties with the North's most important benefactor. The wave of optimism that has accompanied political reforms in Myanmar will break in 2014 as the country's sectarian conflicts continue to claim lives. The central government's control over many ethnic-minority areas will remain tenuous, and there is every chance of one or more of the fragile peace treaties collapsing. Extending citizenship to the stateless Rohingya refugees living in western Myanmar would be a positive step, but the prospects of this happening are distant. We have greater confidence that the talks between the Philippine government and the Moro Islamic Liberation Front on the island of Mindanao will result in lasting peace, but challenges to the constitutionality of a new basic law for the region could see the pace of progress slow in 2014. Building bridges—and walls The withdrawal of NATO troops from Afghanistan in 2014 will be significant both inside and outside the country's borders. We believe that fragmentation of the state remains likely, as lasting peace would require the co-operation of the Afghan administration, insurgent groups and regional governments, as well as international forces. The troop withdrawal means that the US security and diplomatic presence in Asia can be refocused elsewhere; co-operation with Vietnam, Thailand and the Philippines is likely to rise as the US attempts to form a bulwark against China. Asia's largest economy will also remain outside of ongoing talks on the Trans-Pacific Partnership, a free-trade initiative that will continue to inch towards completion. Political partisanship in the US will entail further delays, which could allow the Japanese prime minister, Shinzo Abe, more time to force painful structural reform upon his country's cosseted agricultural sector. Support for the agreement remains strong among governments in Australia, New Zealand, Malaysia and Singapore. Taiwan's participation depends largely on Chinese goodwill. An acknowledgement of the hubris that underpinned much of the economic policy made in Asia since the global economic crisis should result in a steadier platform being laid in 2014 for future economic growth. At a plenary meeting in late 2013, the Chinese Communist Party leadership reaffirmed its commitment to liberalising the exchange rate, interest rates and the capital account. Although the plenum suggested that the government has no intention of subjecting the state-owned sector to a privatisation drive similar to the 1990s, indirect reforms, such as moves towards the market pricing of inputs, will place state-owned enterprises under pressure to raise productivity. Local governments' debt will again come into focus as the central government publicises details of its first audit into their finances since 2010. Greater allocations from the centre to welfare services and a modest boost to revenue-raising powers could be introduced to ease the burden on local administrations. The plenum also outlined a series of eye-catching social reforms, including a relaxation of the one-child policy. If reforms are implemented swiftly and in full, they could boost productivity and lift GDP growth above our current forecasts, but this will require fearlessness in the face of powerful vested interests. Money moving west Governments in many Asian countries, but particularly in India and Indonesia, meddled in markets in 2012-13, leading to a variety of distortions, from state-directed lending to capital controls, trade protectionism and import substitution. India has been quicker than Indonesia to renew its commitments to a more liberal reform agenda, but a region-wide move towards greater market openness will not be quick, and investors will need convincing. Growth in emerging markets across the world in 2014 risks being tempered by capital outflows to rich countries, largely because of a shift in the policy of the Fed, which has announced that it will begin the long process of normalising monetary policy in January. The movement of capital away from riskier assets in Asia to Europe and the US will diminish the prospect of asset bubbles emerging in the region, but there will be areas that merit concern. We are forecasting a slump in property prices in Hong Kong in 2015, but the downturn could begin at any time, despite interventions from the authorities in 2013 to cool the market. Fast growth in property prices is also emerging once again as a risk in Australia (although this is countered by a dramatic increase in the saving rate since the global financial crisis), New Zealand, Singapore and particularly Malaysia, where household debt has risen alarmingly. The Economist

RCA: Um milhão de desalojados

BANGUI, Jan 3 (Reuters) - Violence in Central African Republic has uprooted nearly a million people, a fifth of the population, and is hampering aid efforts, particularly in the capital Bangui, the U.N. refugee agency (UNHCR) said on Friday. A flare-up in violence between Muslim fighters and Christian militias has displaced more than 200,000 people in the past few weeks alone, leaving a total of 935,000 homeless. A Muslim rebel group, the Seleka, unleashed a wave of killing and looting after seizing power in March, and the deployment of 1,600 French and nearly 4,000 African Union peacekeepers has done little to contain the tit-for-tat violence between religious communities. In the riverside capital alone, more than 510,000 people are displaced - equivalent to more than half the city's population, UNHCR said. Just over half of them are children. The number of people sheltering at a makeshift camp at the international airport has doubled in the past week to 100,000. The site lacks proper access to food or water but access for humanitarian groups has been restricted by fierce fighting in nearby neighbourhoods. "Insecurity and chaos around the site...prevents us from doing any distribution," UNHCR spokesman Babar Baloch told a news conference in Geneva. "It's a horrible situation. We have heard a lot about revenge attacks happening inside health centres, where armed elements have gone and attacked patients." Medical charity Medecins Sans Frontieres said it was cutting services to a minimum at its airport clinic after stray bullets killed three children and injured 40 people this week. "We are not going to continue to put the lives of our personnel at risk," Lindis Hurum, its coordinator at the site, told Reuters. "A team composed of five of our 16 doctors will be left in place for cases of extreme emergency." Many of the displaced and injured inside the airport camp voiced fear that they were being abandoned. "I owe my life today - like hundreds of others here - to MSF. But with this suspension of their activities, it will be a massacre," said Saint Cyr Lamaka, one of the wounded receiving treatment. CHAD EVACUATION The United Nations is seeking $152 million for a 100-day emergency plan to tackle humanitarian needs inside Central African Republic. Some 240,000 refugees have fled to neighbouring countries. Chad, to the north, has stepped up evacuation of its citizens, many of whom are being targeted by Christian militia who accuse them of links to the Seleka. Some 12,000 Chadians have been repatriated in recent days on emergency flights and using land convoys, the International Organisation for Migration said. Qasim Sufi, head of its mission in Chad, said transit centres were struggling to cope, and the number of returnees was expected to rise very quickly. Peacekeepers in Central African Republic are struggling to impose calm in a country the size of France. In Bossangoa, some 300 km (190 miles) north of Bangui, a Reuters photographer accompanying French troops on patrol saw the body of a Muslim, killed by Christian youths, lying beside a dirt path. The abandoned homes of local Christians burned unattended after Muslims threw grenades at them. Most of the town's Christian population have long since left their homes to move into a camp by the town church, housing some 40,000 people. In neighbouring Cameroon, meanwhile, two soldiers were killed on Thursday at a border village when unidentified gunmen from Central African Republic attacked a military outpost, state radio said. Five of the gunmen were also killed. (Additional reporting by Tom Miles in Geneva and Andreea Campeanu in Bossangoa; Editing by Mark Trevelyan)

(Na foto, soldado francês em Bossangoa, na República Centro-Africana).

Afeganistão: Retrocesso nos direitos das mulheres

KABUL, Jan 4 (Reuters) - Violent crime against women in Afghanistan hit record levels and became increasingly brutal in 2013, the head of the country's human rights commission said on Saturday, a sign that hard won rights are being rolled back as foreign troops prepare to withdraw. Restoring women's rights after the Taliban was ousted by a U.S.-led coalition of troops in 2001 was cited as one of the main objectives of the war. Under Taliban rule, women were required to wear the head-to-toe covering burqa and barred from leaving their homes without being escorted by a male relative. Schools for girls were shut down. Sima Samar, chair of the Afghanistan Independent Human Rights Commission (AIHRC), told Reuters in a telephone interview that the brutality of attacks on women had greatly intensified last year. "The brutality of the cases is really bad. Cutting the nose, lips and ears. Committing public rape," she said. "Mass rape... It's against dignity, against humanity." She attributed the increase in crime to a culture of impunity and the imminent departure of international troops and aid workers, leaving women more exposed to attack. In addition, more cases were reported as women became aware of their rights. "The presence of the international community and provincial reconstruction teams in most of the provinces was giving people confidence," Samar said. "There were people there trying to protect women. And that is not there anymore, unfortunately." Most foreign forces are due to leave Afghanistan by the end of the year and it is unclear whether any will remain beyond 2014 as relations deteriorate between Afghan authorities and their U.S. backers. An AIHRC spokesman said the latest figures for 2013 showed a 25 percent increase in cases of violence against women for March through September. Samar said a deteriorating economy and growing insecurity had also contributed to the rise in reported incidents. A leading advocate of women's rights said improving the situation would be difficult as laws aimed at protecting women were notoriously hard to implement. "Killing women in Afghanistan is an easy thing. There's no punishment," Suraya Pakzad, who runs women's shelters in several provinces, told Reuters in her office in the western city of Herat. She cited recent cases in which women had been publicly stoned as Afghan troops looked on. "Laws are improved, but implementation of those laws are in the hands of warlords... I think we are going backwards." WORRYING INDICATORS Another sign that rights for women have been rolled back in recent years is a rise in cases of self-immolation, a desperate last resort for women in abusive situations. The burn unit of Herat hospital, one of two in Afghanistan, admitted a record number of women who had attempted to set themselves on fire in 2012. The head of the ward said he was reluctant to speak out because of threats from relatives. "If they come with a high percentage of body surface burns... we cannot save them," Dr Ghafar Bawar told Reuters during a recent visit to his ward. "After disfigurement, they have a very hard life." Bawar also treated patients who had suffered burns in attacks. He agreed there was a culture of impunity and that some assaults were not reported to officials for fear of reprisal. For instance, a neighbour had brought in a woman and her four-year old child the night before. The father had thrown a burning blanket over them as they slept, setting them alight. Both died of their injuries, but the neighbour was too afraid to report the case to the authorities. (Editing by Ron Popeski and Rosalind Russell)

África: Um continente de jovens

Day by day the youth population is increasing in Africa. Persons between 15 to 35 years make up 65% of the African population. This makes Africa the continent of youth. A youth who face many challenges. African youth have ambitions for a better future, actually they are the future of Africa. They all have a dream for a better tomorrow. Will Africa be able to answer that dreams? Everyone knows Africa is a continent full of natural resources like gold, diamonds, petrol, cobalt, cocoa and many more. Many African countries, particularly Sub Saharan countries have fertile land, good climate, lakes and rivers for fishing. This is a major contribution for African economy. Thus we can say in terms of natural resources Africa is the richest continent and it is also full of opportunities. Despite all of these opportunities African youth are facing many challenges which make them hopeless. Many young Africans are struggling to achieve their goals in any ways. Education difficulties Many young people really want to learn, but they can’t get an education. Mostly it is parents who pay their children’s school fees. High school children sometimes work to pay their own. But no jobs means no school fees. Another problem is that teachers don’t get paid much, so the teachers are not very good and in many countries there are untrained teachers in the job. Another problem is lack of books and materials; some schools don’t even have a library. Developing the education and employment opportunities for African youth must therefore be a priority for all governments in Africa. African youths face many challenges in gaining an education that provides them with the right set of skills and knowledge, which means that these young people struggle to find work and especially it is difficult to get a job in the formal segment of economy, and they end up doing odd jobs. Even if they do succeed in getting a higher education they are unable to get a job in the area they are qualified in, for example, an engineer may be working as a teacher. Unemployment Unemployment is the major challenge for African youth. After completing school hundreds of thousands of youths in the urban areas are looking for jobs while rural youths are flooding into the cities also looking for jobs. They should encourage young Africans with training, assist them to create their own businesses and take other measure so they can contribute to reduce unemployment. Ignoring these issues results in lower economic growth ultimately resulting in other problems such as poverty, violent conflicts, human trafficking, drugs, and armed robbery, making it the biggest ambition for every youth to travel abroad or move to a western country. Good governance African countries are lacking good governance. Politically there is no vision for tomorrow. Most of the African leaders are selfish and corrupted, they misuse government funds, they misuse government facilities. They are stubborn. And when the time comes for an election they spend a lot of money, they promise that they will do better. After the election they forget everything they promised. According to Pascal, an asylum seeker from Uganda, “ If problems like corruption and over stay in power by African leaders and running government economy as their own bank accounts can be stopped. If they stop these things there could be a good future for Africans for example good education, good infrastructure, create jobs and many other things. Most young people in Uganda have given up when it comes to voting because they have lost trust in the electoral system due to rigging of elections.” Wars Many African youths are in a situation of armed conflicts. Even young children are forced to take arms in the civil war transition. They cannot go to school or to work. More often than not young Africans end up unemployed. The wars wreaked havoc in Africa increasingly target youth . they are thrown on the roads and paths. many are forcibly recruited into armed forces and become soldier or rebels. Youths are the most vulnerable part of the population in Africa specially in political conflicts or civil wars, the politicians manipulate young people by making false promises. This epidemic has led many youth hopeless and that drives them to seek other way out for a better future, especially in the western countries. Opportunities Many asylum seekers, have hopes for the future, “I think I could go back, I would like to join my family again and enjoy life again,” said Pascal. Another asylum seeker, Claude, from Rwanda said, “Yes it can change but it will take a long time. We need to heal politically & economically because we have been affected for so long. Of course I will go back one day but I don´t know when because I would like to go and contribute in the construction of my country. But the future is in our hands and African governments must do more to make opportunities for the youth, so that they can build a prosperous future for the later generation. It is time that our leaders think about the well being of the youth and the next generation by providing resources and opportunities that can give them hope for a better future in their country . They should commit to involve young people in all areas of the development programs and initiatives on the economic, political, educational and social levels . Young people also need to be aware of the challenges of our continent and their contribution by all means possible to build a better Africa because the future is in their hands. NEW TIMES, revista editada na Dinamarca

África: A caminho dos 2.000 milhões de habitantes

During his campaign for president in 2008, Barack Obama promised that he would restore America’s standing in the world—in part by using his unique multicultural background to better communicate with U.S. friends and foes alike. While Obama has certainly enjoyed some foreign policy successes, there is one region in which he has so far glaringly and disappointingly fallen well short of that promise: Africa. By every conceivable metric, Africa is growing in stature and importance. More than 60 percent of Africans are below the age of 25, and the continent’s population is expected to double by 2050 to more than 2 billion people. The continent’s economy is growing faster than any other’s. Indeed, according to International Monetary Fund figures, 10 of the world’s 20 fastest-growing economies are located in Africa, and recent surveys of institutional investors reveal that sub-Saharan Africa is the region where most investors intend to increase their portfolio exposure in the coming decade. But for years now, the United States has been losing ground in Africa to various competitors, particularly China. China’s annual trade and investment in Africa has increased sixfold over the past 10 years and now stands at more than $150 billion. This has to do largely with the fact that China has made Africa a top priority. The Chinese government spends considerable time and money wooing African leaders by hosting state visits in Beijing, financing large infrastructure projects across the continent, and doing everything else in its power to deepen commercial and political relations between China and Africa. Obama had a unique opportunity to reverse these trends and make a real play on the African continent. As the first African-American U.S. president and, perhaps even more important, the child of a Kenyan father, Obama’s connection to Africa is highly tangible. Across the continent, African hearts swelled with pride at his election to America’s highest office. Obama T-shirts abounded in cities and villages throughout Africa, and American flags proliferated. African leaders, too, hoped that Obama’s election might augur a new era in U.S.-African relations. But instead of seizing this opportunity, Obama paid almost no attention to Africa during his first four years in office. Unlike President George W. Bush, who during his first term launched a $15 billion campaign to combat AIDS in Africa, Obama had no major initiatives related to the continent. Of the more than 40 countries Obama visited during his first term, only one, Ghana, was in sub-Saharan Africa, and he was on the ground for less than 24 hours. Obama’s neglect of Africa left leaders across the continent feeling confused and disappointed. Early indications from his second term are more promising. Obama spent a full week in Africa this summer, visiting Senegal, South Africa and Tanzania. During that trip, he announced Power Africa, a multibillion dollar initiative involving the U.S. Agency for International Development, the Overseas Private Investment Corp. (OPIC) and other U.S. agencies, designed to double access to electric power in sub-Saharan Africa. And this month, he traveled to South Africa again to participate in Nelson Mandela’s funeral. The door remains wide open for Obama to deepen ties between the United States and Africa. Observers need only look at how Obama was received at the Mandela funeral service. The loudest cheers of the entire event occurred when he and Michelle Obama arrived in the stadium. Conversely, Obama was the only speaker at the event for whom the crowd quieted down enough to properly hear his remarks, and the only speaker who received a standing ovation from the entire stadium. To be sure, this is partly due to the inherent clout that redounds to any president of the United States; but there is also no doubt that Africans feel a special connection, and a special pride, when it comes to Barack Obama specifically. Power Africa is a good start, but Obama should do much more than that in his second term. Specifically, he should conduct a comprehensive economic engagement strategy designed to increase investment by U.S. companies in African markets. The American private sector enjoys some advantages in African markets. For example, U.S. companies are better equipped to handle technically complex projects and generally have a stellar reputation when it comes to governance, transfers of skills and technology, and local employment. But there are two factors that have made it difficult for U.S. companies to compete effectively in Africa: First, foreign competitors significantly undercut American firms on price; and second, those competitors often enjoy the benefit of incumbency and, relatedly, of long-standing relationships across the continent. The challenge for the U.S. government is to amplify U.S. strengths by better communicating the advantages that U.S. firms can offer, while at the same time implementing policies that are geared toward mitigating those firms’ weaknesses. Such policies should include, at a minimum, stronger support for OPIC and Export-Import Bank initiatives in Africa, a more aggressive push to use commercial officers to make introductions for U.S. firms in Africa, as well as a set of free trade agreements across the continent. Obama should advance this agenda through a sustained dialogue with leaders of key U.S. allies in Africa, culminating in a summit in the United States. Due to the challenges they often face in advancing their second-term domestic agendas, U.S. presidents often gravitate more toward achieving foreign policy wins as they near their latter years in office. Given the unique cultural context, Obama should seize the moment and convert the immense goodwill that exists toward him in Africa into a strong and lasting relationship between the United States and Africa. Alexander Benard, COO of Schulze Global Investments, a U.S. private equity firm with a $100 million fund dedicated to Ethiopia. He is the author of a Foreign Affairs article on successfully investing in emerging and frontier markets.

Iraque: Faluja nas mãos da Al-Qaeda

Un haut responsable de la sécurité de la province d'Al-Anbar (ouest) a affirmé samedi 4 janvier avoir perdu le contrôle de la ville de Fallouja, tombée aux mains de combattants liés à Al-Qaida. « Fallouja est sous le contrôle de l'EIIL », a indiqué le responsable, faisant référence à l'Etat islamique en Irak et au Levant, émanation d'Al-Qaida en Irak. Il a cependant précisé que « les secteurs autour de Fallouja [60 kilomètres à l'ouest de Bagdad] étaient aux mains de la police locale ». Au moins 32 civils et 71 combattants d'Al-Qaida ont été tués vendredi dans les affrontements opposant le réseau extrémiste sunnite à des tribus locales et aux forces de sécurité dans la province d'Al-Anbar, bastion sunnite hostile au premier ministre chiite, Nouri Al-Maliki. « ÉTAT ISLAMIQUE » Les combattants de l'EIIL contrôlent depuis jeudi plusieurs secteurs de Ramadi (100 kilomètres à l'ouest de Bagdad) et Fallouja, ville qu'ils ont déclarée vendredi « Etat islamique ». Les affrontements avaient débuté lundi à Ramadi, après le démantèlement d'un camp de protestataires antigouvernementaux présenté par le gouvernement comme un « repaire d'Al-Qaida ». Les violences se sont ensuite propagées à la ville proche de Fallouja. Les insurgés de l'EIIL avaient profité de l'abandon par des policiers de leurs postes à Fallouja et Ramadi mercredi après des attaques, ainsi que des combats entre des soldats et des membres de tribus opposés au démantèlement du camp, pour prendre le contrôle de secteurs des deux villes. La province d'Al-Anbar est devenue depuis plus d'un an un haut lieu de la contestation contre le premier ministre Maliki, accusé d'accaparer le pouvoir et de marginaliser les sunnites. Fallouja et Ramadi furent des bastions de l'insurrection ayant suivi l'invasion américaine de l'Irak en 2003. Le Monde

- A Al Qaeda tem-se mostrado muito forte ao longo deste último ano, de nada tendo servido a morte de Bin Laden.

RCA: A França continua a combater a sul do Sara

En visite à Bangui, le ministre français de la Défense, Jean-Yves Le Drian (foto), s'est exprimé jeudi devant les soldats de la force Sangaris. Il a salué les forces impliquées dans "les opérations de lutte contre le terrorisme". Le ministre français de la Défense Jean-Yves Le Drian, en visite à Bangui jeudi 2 janvier, a tenu à répondre aux interrogations que suscite l'intervention militaire en Centrafrique. "En février, des experts disaient 'au Mali, la France commence son enlisement'. Heureusement que nous n'avons pas écouté les experts. Je le dis pour le Mali, et je le dis aussi pour la Centrafrique", a déclaré le ministre aux soldats français de la force Sangaris, nom de code de l'opération militaire française entamée le 5 décembre en Centrafrique. "Je suis venu en Afrique pour saluer toutes les forces impliquées dans les opérations de lutte contre le terrorisme", a poursuivi Le Drian en visite au camp Boali, où est stationnée la force française. >> À lire aussi : Le Drian à Bangui, Bozizé appelle à la démission de Djotodia 1 600 soldats français ont été déployés en Centrafrique pour tenter d'enrayer l'engrenage de violences communautaires et interreligieuses à l'œuvre dans le pays depuis le renversement en mars du président François Bozizé par une coalition hétéroclite à dominante musulmane, la Séléka. Jean-Yves Le Drian a également justifié la présence militaire française sur l'ensemble du continent. "Assurer la sécurité en Afrique, c'est aussi assurer la sécurité en France, a-t-il indiqué. Quand il y a un vide sécuritaire c'est le creuset à tous les trafics et la porte ouverte à tous les terrorismes. " "La France aurait été sourde à l'appel des États africains ? La France aurait fui ses responsabilités historiques ? Nous sommes là et il ne faut pas qu'il y ait de doute sur notre détermination à mener cette mission", a-t-il ajouté. Cette visite à Bangui - où il s'était déjà rendu le 13 décembre - n'était pas inscrite au programme initial de la tournée africaine du ministre de la Défense, qui s'est rendu au Mali, puis au Niger et au Tchad, notamment dans l'optique du redéploiement des forces françaises au Sahel. (Avec AFP) Lire l'article sur Jeuneafrique.com