Egipto: O carismo do marechal Al-Sisi

Egypt's armed forces chief, Field Marshal Abdul Fattah al-Sisi, is moving ever closer to succeeding the president he helped overthrow half a year ago - who made him head of the military in the first place. Only six months after being appointed by Mohammed Morsi as general commander of the armed forces and defence minister in August 2012, the then General Sisi played a key role in the Islamist president's downfall, following a wave of popular protest. The central figure in the army-backed post-Morsi interim government, he has since become the object of almost cult-like popular devotion, while showing a deft hand for political tactics. Egypt's top military body, the Supreme Council of the Armed Forces (Scaf), has given him the green light to stand for president, in what it says is a response to the "desire of the masses". Hours earlier, interim President Adly Mansour promoted him to field marshal - Egypt's top military post. Field Marshal Sisi himself says he first wants to gauge "public demand" before - as is widely rumoured - stepping down as army chief and announcing his presidential candidacy. New strongman? If he does stand, few doubt he has a good chance of winning. He is wildly popular and currently has no serious rivals. The Muslim Brotherhood that underpinned Mr Morsi's presidency has been banned and declared a "terrorist group" since its ouster. Field Marshal Sisi's personality has also proved attractive to many Egyptians. Far from a stern military figure, he is a softly-spoken but charismatic presence, often seen smiling and known for emotional speeches. At a concert in 2012, his words famously had artists on the stage with him in tears. Many Egyptians see in him the strong leader needed to overcome the instability that has beset Egypt since the mass protests in Cairo's Tahrir Square ended President Hosni Mubarak's long rule in 2011. But his ascendancy has left some worrying that it heralds a return to the authoritarian security state that prevailed under Mr Mubarak, rendering the Tahrir Square revolution a brief experiment in democracy. Only a day before the army backed Field Marshal Sisi's rumoured presidential ambitions, the interim government rearranged the post-Morsi authorities' "roadmap" to democracy to ensure that the presidential election will be held before parliamentary polls, and not after, as had been initially intended. The move left some fearing that the new timetable will allow Field Marshal Sisi to use a likely landslide victory to cement near-complete control over the political system. Fall of Islamists Mr Morsi's decision to appoint Abdul Fattah al-Sisi as army chief in 2012 was then actually seen as an attempt to reclaim power from the military, which had assumed interim control after President Mubarak's fall. The following year, nationwide protests erupted against the Muslim Brotherhood-led government, motivated by anger at at a perceived drift towards greater Islamist influence on public life, as well as continuing economic hardship. A man waves an Egyptian flag next to an armoured personnel carrier in Cairo (3 July 2013) The military is the most powerful government entity in Egypt After months of mounting pressure on the government, Gen Sisi effectively delivered the coup de grace with a televised ultimatum warning that the army would intervene if the government did not respond to "the will of the people" and end the crisis within 48 hours. Hours later, army helicopters threw thousands of Egyptian flags over anti-Morsi protesters in Cairo's iconic Tahrir Square. The cheering crowds responded with chants of "the people and the army are one hand". But Field Marshal Sisi's rise has not been without its controversial moments. In April 2012, he hit the headlines with a statement that appeared to defend "virginity tests" carried out on 17 women detained and beaten by soldiers at an anti-Mubarak protest in Tahrir Square in March 2011. Gen Sisi said the tests had been done "to protect the girls from rape, and the soldiers and officers from accusations of rape". Scaf quickly distanced itself from the comments, and Gen Sisi quickly promised to abolish such tests, but the incident was a blow to the military's image. Military career Despite a long military career, Field Marshal Sisi has little actual combat experience, latterly specialising mainly in military intelligence. On his appointment as army chief, he was the youngest member of Scaf. Supporters of the Egyptian military hold up a poster of Abdul Fattah al-Sisi in Cairo's Tahrir Square (25 January 2014) On the third anniversary of the 2011 uprising, thousands called on Field Marshal Sisi to stand for president Born in Cairo on 19 November 1954, he served in the infantry after graduating from the Egyptian Military Academy in 1977, rising to command a mechanised division. He went on to serve as information and security chief at the Defence Ministry general secretariat, military attache in Saudi Arabia, chief-of-staff and then commander of Egypt's Northern Military Zone, before being appointed head of Military Intelligence and Reconnaissance. Field Marshal Sisi has faced regular media speculation about his political loyalties. In 2012, the Al-Tahrir daily reported that he had "strong ties with US officials on both diplomatic and military levels", frequently taking part in joint war games and intelligence operations. BBC

Egipto: Novo julgamento de Morsi

Deposed Egyptian President Mohammed Morsi has begun a new trial, on charges of espionage and conspiring to commit acts of terror. He and 35 others are accused of working with Lebanese and Palestinian groups to carry out attacks in Egypt. The charges are one of four prosecutions that the Islamist former leader now faces. Mr Morsi was ousted by the military last July following mass street protests against his rule. Since then there has been a severe crackdown on his Muslim Brotherhood group, as well as on other activists seen as hostile to the military-backed government. The Brotherhood has been declared a terrorist organisation and authorities have punished any public show of support for it. Other senior Brotherhood figures are also facing a raft of charges, including supreme guide Mohammed Badie and his deputy and former presidential candidate Khairat al-Shater. At least 1,000 people have died in clashes between security forces and pro-Morsi protesters since he was deposed, with thousands more arrested. Morsi defiant Mr Morsi was brought to Cairo's police academy on Sunday morning by helicopter from the Burj al-Arab prison where he is being held. In this latest trial, Mr Morsi is accused of collaborating with the Palestinian movement Hamas, Lebanon's Hezbollah and Iran's Revolutionary Guards. If convicted he could receive the death penalty. Proceedings in two other trials have already begun: The first opened in November on charges of inciting the killing of protesters near the presidential palace when he was in office in 2012. In January another trial opened concerning his escape from prison in a jailbreak in 2011, during which police officers were killed. The fourth trial will be on charges of insulting the judiciary. Mr Morsi's supporters say he and other senior Brotherhood leaders are the victims of politically motivated prosecutions. In his previous court appearances Mr Morsi has struck a defiant tone, refusing to recognise the legitimacy of the court and insisting that he is still the rightful president. During that court appearance, from inside a glassed-in defendants' cage, he shouted: "I am the president of the republic. How can I be kept in a dump for weeks?" BBC

Egipto: Tráfico de pessoas na península do Sinai

efe (agência noticiosa espanhola) Cerca de 30 mil pessoas foram vítimas do tráfico na Península do Sinai desde 2009, e pelo menos dez mil foram mortas na tentativa de fugir de conflitos na África, segundo um relatório apresentado nesta quarta-feira (4) no Cairo. O estudo, da Comissão Europeia e da Universidade holandesa de Tilburg, indica que nesse período a soma dos resgates pagos ultrapassou o valor de US$ 600 milhões. A coordenadora da apresentação, Marion Mathurin, explicou que "o medo dos jovens e dos homens que servem no Exército costuma ser a principal causa que os faz fugir de seu país, porque o serviço militar é ilimitado e podem passar a vida ali em condições subhumanas". A maioria das vítimas de tráfico de pessoas no Sinai egípcio vem da Eritréia, devido à má situação dos direitos humanos, o serviço militar obrigatório e as dificuldades de obter um passaporte ou visto para sair do país, segundo o relatório. O "modus operandi" dos traficantes começa pelo sequestro da vítima, muitas vezes em seu próprio país de origem ainda, seguido de extorsão, tortura e, se não conseguem o objetivo, podem chegar a matá-la. Além disso, sustenta o estudo, um dos principais trajetos seguidos para atravessar até Israel e a Europa costuma ser o Canal de Suez. "É comum trancarem as pessoas em casas no Sinai, onde vão sendo transferidas de um lugar a outro, passando de mão em mão, e essa operação pode levar semanas", disse Mathurin, que explicou que os resgates exigidos costumam ser "muito altos para as famílias, que vem de zonas de pobreza extrema", como Eritréia e Etiópia. A organizadora denunciou também as diferentes técnicas de tortura utilizadas, em forma de surras, queimaduras, golpes, eletrochoques, violência sexual, mutilação e técnicas de guerra. As comunicações são feitas por telefone, e se chega a "torturar a vítima enquanto fala com sua família" como método de chantagem emocional, apontou. Já o jornalista egípcio Ahmed Abu Deraa, que trabalha no Sinai, detalhou que para a elaboração do relatório os pesquisadores visitaram vários lugares onde se esconde os sequestrados, se atiram os cadáveres dos mortos e realizam as torturas. "O último caso que conheço é o de uma mulher eritréia que deixou suas duas filhas na Eritréia para junto de seu marido trabalhar no Sudão. Ali a sequestraram e a transferiram até o Sinai. Sua família teve que vender suas propriedades e pedir dinheiro. Quando conseguiram o valor, seus sequestradores a entregaram a outro traficante, que voltou a pedir um novo resgate", relatou Abu Deraa. O jornalista afirmou que houve mudanças no Sinai após a queda por um golpe de Estado do presidente egípcio, o islamita Mohammed Mursi, em 3 de julho. A maior presença policial e militar na península, unida ao fechamento da passagem de Rafah que comunica o Egito com a faixa palestina de Gaza, dificultou o tráfico humano. "Durante as operações de segurança nenhum traficante foi preso, mas se destruíram refúgios e centros de tortura", disse Abu Deraa.

RDC: 16 anos de violência no Kivu

(Reuters) - Armed groups wielding machetes have reportedly executed 70 people in the east of the Democratic Republic of Congo "to spread terror", the U.N. peacekeeping mission said on Thursday. The mission, MONUSCO, said it had received reports of gross human rights abuses including the reported summary killings at Nyamaboko villages I and II in Masisi territory of North Kivu province. It did not give a time for the killings and said it was investigating. Mission chief Martin Kobler said in a statement he had "serious concern over the allegations of the gross human rights violations deemed unacceptable. Any person involved in such acts should face justice". He said the crimes had been "committed mainly by armed groups to spread terror". Millions of people have died from violence, disease and hunger in eastern Congo since 1996 in conflict fuelled by foreign powers and a struggle for the region's deposits of gold, diamonds, copper, cobalt and uranium. Much of the fighting has been in North and South Kivu provinces, which border eastern neighbors including Uganda and Rwanda.

RCA: O Chade é quem deita as cartas

The Central African Republic's northern neighbor, Chad, is a military heavyweight in the region. Under the leadership of President Idriss Deby Itno, it is a driving force behind key decisions in the current crisis. For example, on the question of the president: CAR's interim president Michel Djotodia was invited to attend a summit of the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS) in the Chadian capital N'Djamena in January 2014. He then resigned following pressure put on him by President Deby. This was not the first time Chad had decided on the rise and fall of a Central African president. Deby has always considered CAR to be Chad's backyard, says Helga Dickow, an expert on Central Africa at the Arnold Bergstresser Institute at Freiburg University. In the 1990s, former president Ange-Felix Patasse came to power with Chadian support, she said in an interview with DW. "And Djotodia's predecessor, Bozize, was basically only head of government with Deby's approval." Chad also has a very strong military presence in CAR. A large part of the 5,500- strong military mission of the African Union (MISCA) was provided by Chad. In December 2013, the intervention force was tasked with bringing stability to the country. In addition to MISCA, there are also some 1,600 French soldiers in the Central African Republic The alliance between the Chadian and French armies is not new. Chad had already shown itself to be an experienced and important ally during the French intervention in Mali. Since that joint operation, France has now "sided with Deby," says Dickow. "France is now basically supporting a dictator who was previously not socially acceptable. He is now back in the fold of international politics." However, in the Central African Republic, the population took a skeptical view of the foreign troops. There have been accusations that Chad "supported Seleka rebels and even trained some of them," Dickow told DW. "The Chadian troops in CAR have reached a size that is uncontrollable,” says Acheikh Ibn-Oumar, a Chadian opposition politician and former ambassador to the United Nations. "Chadian troops have been crossing the almost one thousand kilometer-long (620 miles) border with CAR, saying they are trying to control it," he told DW. Brice Kevin Kapayen, a human rights activist and member of the CAR transitional parliament, confirmed that Seleka supporters had entered CAR. "They are armed. The question is: who gave them arms?" The spokesman of the Chadian government has denied any involvement. "But he is not here. He is not in Bangui to see what is happening. We have evidence for everything we are saying," said Kapayen. Chad is currently a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council. In negotiations, Chad argued against sending a UN peacekeeping mission to the Central African Republic. "They want to find an African solution," says Helga Dickow.

The oil factor Chad has built up its military strength thanks to its oil revenue, says Dickow, and this makes the country appear stable and powerful. However this appearance is deceptive. President Deby is looking for a way to secure the southern borders. He wants to make himself militarily impregnable as he did before in the Darfur conflict when rebels from Sudan threatened his hold on power. "The other crisis region which could be a gathering point for rebels who could rise up against N'Djamena is the border region between CAR and southern Chad," Dickow said. She sees another reason why this border is of interest for Deby. In southern Chad and in the north of the Central African Republic are oil wells. "Any trouble in this border region would also jeopardize oil production in Chad." DW.DE

Bissau: O bastião de Indjai em Jugudul

"(...The Guinean Armed Forces, who by overthrowing Kumba Yala in September 2003 curiously interrupted a slide towards state “ethnicisation” just when it was threatening to pass the point of no return, are today, from a number of standpoints, little more than a “mosaic” of organised groups: groups organised along the logic of ethnic proximity and of clientelism, and at the service of a handful of potentates. “Sintchã Indjai”, António Indjai’s house-

village- barracks-runway in Jugudul, built on the proceeds of drug trafficking, offers the best portrait of how the Armed Forces of Guinea-Bissau 'function' today." Eduardo Costa Dias, Nordic Journal of African Studies, Helsínquia

RCA: 2.000 soldados franceses, mais 500 doutros países europeus

"Cet effort supplémentaire de 400 hommes comprend le déploiement anticipé de forces de combat et de gendarmes français qui participeront ensuite à l’opération militaire de l’Union Européenne dès son déploiement", a indiqué l'Élysée vendredi dans un communiqué. La France a finalement décidé d'augmenter son contingent militaire en Centrafrique. Au total, 400 soldats supplémentaires seront envoyés sur place, a annoncé vendredi 14 février l'Élysée, ce qui portera à 2 000 hommes les effectifs de "Sangaris". "Cet effort supplémentaire de 400 hommes comprend le déploiement anticipé de forces de combat et de gendarmes français qui participeront ensuite à l’opération militaire de l’Union Européenne dès son déploiement", a précisé l'Élysée. >> À lire aussi : Centrafrique, rencontre Hollande-Déby Itno ce vendredi à Paris L'annonce a eu lieu après un Conseil de défense consacré à la situation en Centrafrique, réunissant autour de François Hollande dans la matinée responsables militaires et ministres concernés (Affaires étrangères, Défense). L'opération "Sangaris" a été lancée par la France en décembre pour aider les 5 000 militaires de l'Union africaine déjà présents sur place à mettre fin aux affrontements entre les ex-miliciens de la Séléka et les anti-Balaka. Mais les violences persistent dans le pays. L'UE doit de son côté déployer 500 militaires sur place. La France sera la "nation cadre" de l'opération. (Avec AFP) Lire l'article sur Jeuneafrique.com : Crise centrafricaine | Centrafrique : la France va porter ses effectifs à 2 000 hommes | Jeuneafrique.com - le premier site d'information et d'actualité sur l'Afrique Follow us: @jeune_afrique on Twitter | jeuneafrique1 on Facebook