Bissau: A maioria dos deputados é analfabeta

A "Plataforma Guiné Mindjor (Guiné Melhor" reivindica a erradicação do analfabetismo nos dirigentes da Guiné-Bissau. Os ativistas querem que a próxima legislatura tenha outro perfil. A plataforma de jovens pretende que depois das próximas eleições gerais o país tenha um Parlamento com nível mínimo de "preparo académico e político". Segundo os ativistas, a eleição de deputados que não sabem ler nem escrever é uma tradição. Para o presidente do Conselho Nacional da Juventude, Dito Max, tal fenómeno tem condicionado o nível dos debates na Assembleia Nacional Popular. "Nós temos, neste momento, um Parlamento em que a maioria dos representantes do povo é analfabeta ou semi-analfabeta. Nós entendemos que é importante que pessoas mais preparadas estejam na próxima legislatura. Como é possível uma pessoa analfabeta interpretar o programa do Governo ou o orçamento do Estado – que é o trabalho básico do Parlamento?" Na opinião do deputado Octávio Lopes, advogado de profissão, ao excluir os analfabetos do Parlamento, o Estado guineense estará a fazer discriminação total e grave violação dos seus direitos fundamentais. "Temos uma Assembleia diferente e temos que trabalhar para ter um país diferente. Aqueles que a própria lei e o Estado não possibilitam que tenham acesso à informação não podem ser discriminados [novamente]. Agora [viria] este mesmo Estado dizer que [estas pessoas] não podem estar disponíveis num órgão representativo", defende Lopes. Octávio Lopes diz que, se o grau académico fosse o motor de desenvolvimento na Guiné-Bissau, o país teria um melhor sistema Judiciário - já que dispõe de 95% dos magistrados formados na Faculdade de Direito de Bissau. No entanto, trata-se, segundo o parlamentar, de "um dos piores sectores" da vida pública do país: "Não é pelo fato de um tribunal ter só licenciados que faz com que o desempenho do tribunal seja diferente daquele que nós conhecemos. Se fosse uma questão de licenciatura, teríamos o melhor Sistema Judiciário da Costa Ocidental [da África]", opina Lopes. Em reação, Júlio Vieira Inssumbu, do Ministério Público, insiste que se deve escolher deputados com base na sua formação acadêmica, como se faz noutros ramos da função pública: "Para se entrar para a função pública, exige-se o mínimo de escolaridade. Para ser magistrado, exige-se o mínimo de escolaridade. Por que não se exige este mínimo em relação aos candidatos ao Parlamento. E quando se está ao ponto de se exigir, eles veem com a idéia de se estar a discriminar. Não há nada de discriminatório porque a constituição garante acesso gratuito às escolas", rebate Inssumbu. Assinaturas através de carimbos No debate realizado em Bissau para definir o perfil das lideranças políticas face ao desafio da reconstrução nacional, muitos participantes defenderam que os analfabetos sempre mandaram no país. Foram citados exemplos de ministros que assinam com carimbo e deputados que aprovam leis. Todos não teriam sequer passado pelos bancos escolares. Através de seus versos, o poeta Atchó Express tenta transmitir uma mensagem de reconciliação. "Problema: se não queres problema, evite o problema para não teres problema. Porque, se vieres a ter o problema, não irás resolver o problema. Aí vais criar problema em cada problema", recita Express. Segundo dados divulgados em 2013 pelas Nações Unidas, o nível de analfabetismo na Guiné-Bissau é de 56%. Fonte : DW

Bissau: Presidenciais e legislativas dia 13 de Abril de 2014

O Presidente de transição da Guiné-Bissau, Serifo Nhamadjo, marcou para o dia 13 de abril a realização das eleições gerais, dando sem efeito a anterior data de 16 de março. Através de um decreto presidencial divulgado pelo gabinete de Serifo Nhamadjo a que a Lusa teve acesso, o chefe de Estado guineense anunciou que, ouvido o Governo de transição, os partidos políticos com ou sem assento parlamentar e as organizações da sociedade civil, é fixada a data de 13 de abril para a ida às urnas. O Presidente considerou estarem reunidas todas as condições necessárias, nomeadamente após a realização "com sucesso" do recenseamento de raiz dos potenciais eleitores, um processo que atingiu 93 por cento. Serifo Nhamadjo assinalou, no decreto presidencial, que o país se viu obrigado a mudar a data da realização das eleições de 16 de março para 13 de abril, tendo em conta os atrasos no fim do recenseamento tanto na Guiné-Bissau como na diáspora. No dia 13 de abril, os guineenses vão escolher os deputados ao parlamento e um novo Presidente da República, acabando o processo de transição iniciado em abril de 2012, na sequência de um golpe de Estado militar que destituiu os órgãos eleitos.

Sudão do Sul: Malakal é uma cidade dividida

JUBA: The capital of South Sudan’s main oil-producing region was divided between the army and rebels Thursday after the worst fighting since a January cease-fire stoked jitters in global oil markets. The Juba government said it remained committed to peace talks but that it had to react after rebels allied to former Vice President Riek Machar Tuesday attacked Malakal, which lies on the edge of Upper Nile state’s oil fields. An Oil Ministry official told Reuters production had fallen to about 170,000 barrels per day even before the rebel strike on Malakal, a fall of around a third. “The reduction has nothing to do with the fighting but more [to do with] technical issues,” the official said, speaking on condition of anonymity. “We have had to rely on river transport for technical equipment for the last two months and you cannot guarantee safety on that channel.” Even so, the attack on Malakal raises concerns over the security of South Sudan’s northern oil wells – an economic lifeline for Juba and neighboring Sudan, which earns vital hard currency from fees received for use of its oil pipeline. International pressure is mounting on the warring factions to return to negotiations, although Western diplomats say in private that mutual recriminations over cease-fire violations raise questions about each side’s commitment to talks. “Malakal is not yet fully calm ... There are pockets of resistance within the town. It is split between the two sides,” South Sudan’s Information Minister Michael Makuei told Reuters in Ethiopia, where East African states are trying to broker a second round of peace talks. Upper Nile is the only state pumping oil after production in neighboring Unity state was halted earlier in the conflict, a suspension which had already forced the government to cut output by about a fifth to around 200,000 bpd. The petroleum official told Reuters 167,367 barrels were pumped Monday and 168,403 Tuesday, the day rebels struck Malakal. Those levels could fall further if fighting extends into Upper Nile’s oil fields, oil industry observers warn. Malakal, a dusty market town on the banks of the White Nile, lies about 140 km from an oil complex where a key crude processing facility is situated. Global oil prices have been supported in the past two days in part because of the conflict in South Sudan. Thousands of people have been killed and more than 800,000 have fled their homes since fighting began two months ago, triggered by a power struggle between President Salva Kiir and Machar, his former deputy whom he sacked in July. Minister Makuei told Reuters the government still sought a peaceful resolution to the crisis and would “continue talking despite the aggressive and intolerable [ceasefire] violations.” Diplomats say the latest violence has cast doubts over the peace talks which have already been delayed by rebel demands for the release of four remaining political detainees and the withdrawal of Ugandan troops. The Juba government says it is frustrated that the international community has not been harder in its criticism of the rebels following the assault on Malakal. “How long will these rebels continue to act as the spoilt child of the international community?” presidential spokesman Ateny Wek Ateny said. The U.S. said Wednesday it was deeply concerned by the fighting in and around Malakal, which it called a blatant violation of the cessation of hostilities agreement. The government has accused the rebels of receiving support from outside, but has not publicly identified the source it believes has assisted the rebel forces. A rebel spokesman was not immediately available to comment on the allegation. A version of this article appeared in the print edition of The Daily Star (Lebanon) on February 21, 2014, on page 10.

Sudão: Rapariga condenada por ter sido violada

A pregnant teenager who was gang-raped and ignored when she tried to report the crime has been convicted of "indecent acts" by a court in Sudan. The victim, an Ethiopian migrant, was sentenced to one month in prison, which has been suspended, and fined 5,000 Sudanese pounds (£528). The verdict was condemned by activists who said it would discourage rape victims from speaking out and entrench "a culture of impunity" for perpetrators. The 18-year-old victim was searching for a new home when she was lured to an empty property in the capital, Khartoum, attacked by seven men and gang-raped. The incident was filmed by the perpetrators and distributed through social media six months later, triggering the arrests of everyone involved. The woman, who is nine months pregnant, was initially charged with adultery and faced a possible sentence of death by stoning. This was dropped when the court accepted she is divorced. Since her arrest she has been detained in police cells and her requests for a transfer to medical facilities have been refused, the Strategic Initiative for Women in the Horn of Africa (SIHA) network said. Of the seven men on trial, three were convicted of adultery and sentenced to 100 lashes and two were convicted of indecent acts and sentenced to 40 lashes and fines. One convicted of distributing indecent material was sentenced to 40 lashes and fined. A seventh man was freed owing to insufficient evidence against him. The SIHA said those subject to lashings had their sentences carried out immediately in a closed court setting. The woman has been threatened by the court with further punishment for entering the country illegally, it added. The SIHA condemned Thursday's verdict. Hala Elkarib, its regional director, said: "This verdict reflects the substantial challenges in enabling victims of sexual violence to pursue justice. It will also serve to prevent future victims from speaking out and seeking assistance and entrenches a culture of impunity for perpetrators. "Women migrants and IDPs [internally displaced persons] are some of the most marginalised people in Sudan and most vulnerable to violence, abuse and persecution. The Sudanese judiciary today has demonstrated its incapacity to protect the most vulnerable in society and instead attempt to delegitimise those that experience abuse at the hands of its citizens." She added: "The levelling of immigration charges against the victim further denies her protection by the state and protracts the punishment and emotional stress against her whilst she has been subjected to the most brutal of crimes." Although rarely carried out, the sentence of stoning for adultery has been handed down twice in recent years, against two women, Intisar Sharif and Laila Jamool, in 2012. Following appeals in both cases, the sentences were overturned. Last year a Somali woman who alleged she was raped was sentenced to a year behind bars. She was eventually acquitted after international protests. The Guardian

Guiné Equatorial: Corrupção, pobreza e repressão

Corruption, poverty, and repression continue to plague Equatorial Guinea under President Teodoro Obiang Nguema Mbasogo, who has been in power since 1979. Vast oil revenues fund lavish lifestyles for the small elite surrounding the president, while most of the population lives in poverty. Those who question this disparity are branded “enemies.” Despite some areas of relative progress, human rights conditions remain very poor. Arbitrary detention and unfair trials continue to take place, mistreatment of detainees remains commonplace, sometimes rising to the level of torture. While access to Equatorial Guinea improved somewhat for international journalists attending major events in the country, several reported being harassed or intimidated. Government repression of local journalists, civil society groups, and members of the political opposition continues. President Obiang seeks to enhance his international standing and reputation. To that end, Equatorial Guinea hosted the Africa Cup of Nations and other prominent events in 2012 to present a new image of both the president and the country. The United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) issued a long-stalled prize sponsored by the president after earlier dropping his name from the controversial award. Obiang also continues to defend the reputation of Teodorín, his eldest son and presumed successor, whom he elevated to be the country’s second vice president—a position not contemplated in the new constitution. The government strongly objected when France seized Teodorín’s Paris mansion and issued an international arrest warrant against him on money-laundering charges, claiming the son’s post granted him immunity from prosecution abroad. The government also asked the International Court of Justice to order France to halt the case. Economic and Social Rights Fulfillment of key socio-economic rights, such as the right to education and basic healthcare, remains poor, despite significant oil revenues and the country's small population, which make Equatorial Guinea's per capita gross domestic product—at approximately US$30,000 according to UN figures—among the highest in Africa and the world. Government social spending has increased relative to prior years since the adoption of the Horizon 2020 development plan in 2007, and was supplemented by projects financed largely by foreign oil companies. However, such spending remains low in relation to need and available resources. The country has reduced alarmingly high maternal mortality rates by 81 percent over 20 years, and the child mortality rate also fell from 1990 to 2010. Much of the population lacks access to adequate sanitation, potable water, and reliable electricity. The government continued a massive building spree, financed by oil revenues, which raises questions about its spending priorities. Beyond infrastructure such as roads and power plants, much of the construction is for the enjoyment of the country’s tiny elite and foreign guests. Projects include a new city being built in a remote rainforest and a planned $77 million presidential guesthouse. Foreign investigations into high levels of corruption involving President Obiang and his close associates gathered further momentum in France, Spain, and the United States. In June, a legal filing in the US government’s asset seizure case alleged extortion and embezzlement of public funds by Teodorín on a grand scale. The complaint details more than $300 million in spending from 2000 to 2011, including on art by master painters and mansions on four continents, allegedly with the use of illicitly obtained funds. In July, after a French judge issued an arrest warrant against Teodorín, French authorities also seized his luxurious Paris mansion, whose contents they had earlier claimed. Freedom of Expression and Association Equatorial Guinea remains notorious for its lack of press freedom. Journalists from state-owned media outlets remain unable to criticize the government without risk of censorship or reprisal. The few private media outlets that exist are generally owned by persons close to President Obiang; self-censorship is common. El Lector, a private, infrequently-published newspaper whose editor is simultaneously a Ministry of Information official, has at times run articles featuring members of the opposition. The government remains intolerant of critical views from abroad. A greater number of foreign journalists were permitted to travel to cover events in the country, but several who attended the Cup of Nations in early 2012 reported being subjected to surveillance and harassment while they worked. Human Rights Defenders The country has no legally registered independent human rights groups. The few local activists who seek to address human rights related issues are vulnerable to intimidation, harassment, and reprisals. Fabián Nsue Nguema, a lawyer who has handled sensitive cases involving political prisoners and those accused of coup plots, “disappeared” after visiting a client in prison. He was illegally arrested and kept in secret and incommunicado detention for several days before being allowed to see his family. He was released without charge after eight days, following international pressure. In another case, Dr. Wenceslao Mansogo Alo, a human rights defender and opposition figure, was jailed in February and convicted in May for professional negligence in a trial widely regarded as unjust. He was harassed in detention, and there were restrictions on his visitors, contrary to a court order. Mansogo and 21 other prisoners were pardoned on the president’s birthday in June. He filed an appeal against court orders to close his private health clinic, pay $13,000 in fines, and cease practicing medicine for five years. The government inhibited the careers of other human rights defenders throughout the year. In April, Ponciano Mbomio Nvó, one of Mansogo’s lawyers and a frequent defender of jailed political opponents, was suspended from legal practice for two years for arguing in Mansogo’s trial that the case was politically motivated. In January, government officials allegedly pressured a private company to rescind a job offer made to Alfredo Okenve, the head of a local NGO who was sacked in 2010 by the National University after criticizing the government. Political Parties and Opposition The ruling Democratic Party of Equatorial Guinea (PDGE) maintains a monopoly over the country’s political life. It orchestrated a constitutional referendum that was approved in November 2011 with 97.7 percent approval in a vote marred by irregularities. The opposition was deterred from observing the voting and protested efforts to prevent some opposition members from monitoring the polling places and from speaking out against voting fraud. A year later, none of the “independent” oversight bodies created under the new constitution had been established and the president declared that new presidential term limits would not apply retroactively. Most political parties are aligned with PDGE, which benefits from a virtual monopoly on power, funding, and access to national media. Political opponents are pressured through various means, including arbitrary arrest and harassment, as well as inducements—such as employment opportunities—if they join the PDGE. Breakaway factions of the two political parties that maintain independence—the Convergence for Social Democracy (CPDS) and the People's Union (UP)—joined the ruling party. Torture, Arbitrary Detention, and Unfair Trials Due process rights continue to be flouted in Equatorial Guinea and prisoner mistreatment remains common. Lawyers and others who have visited prisons and jails indicate that serious abuses continue, including beatings in detention that amount to torture. Fabián Nsue Nguema reported that the client he sought to visit when he was himself arrested in October, Agustín Esono Nsogo, was tortured. The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) visited some detention centers but did not have full access to others in 2012. President Obiang exercises inordinate control over the judiciary, which lacks independence. Lawyers have reported that judges say they need to consult with the office of the president regarding their decisions in sensitive cases. The president is designated as the country’s “chief magistrate.” Among other powers, he chairs the body that oversees judges and appoints the body’s remaining members. Florentino Manguire, who spent over two years in prison on unsubstantiated theft charges filed by his former business associate, Obiang’s son Teodorín, received a presidential pardon in June. In August, he was again arbitrarily arrested and held for 10 days, until his release without charge after receiving a stern warning not to reveal information about Teodorín. Key International Actors Following a contentious split vote in May 2012, UNESCO’s governing board reinstated a prize established in 2008 at Obiang’s request after renaming it the UNESCO-Equatorial Guinea prize. It did not resolve continued questions surrounding the source of the funding that was provided by Obiang. Neither UNESCO’s director-general nor Obiang attended the award ceremony in July, which coincided with French judicial actions against Teodorín. The Obiang government filed a case against France at the International Court of Justice in the Hague over its pursuit of Teodorín. Teodorín has railed against foreigners in speeches broadcast on state media. He filed a defamation case against the head of Transparency International (TI) France in March. The government of Equatorial Guinea then filed a domestic criminal defamation complaint against the head of TI France in September and requested that Interpol issue an international arrest warrant against him. Spain, the former colonial power, applied some pressure on Equatorial Guinea to improve its human rights record. The Spanish government publicly opposed the UNESCO prize and criticized the imprisonment of Dr. Mansogo. The US is Equatorial Guinea’s main trading partner and source of investment in the oil sector. The US government credited the Obiang government for making some improvements in its human rights record, but expressed deep concern over the prosecution of Mansogo and strongly opposed the Obiang prize at UNESCO. It also co-organized an off-the-record June meeting between representatives of civil society, including Human Rights Watch, and President Obiang. The meeting was not followed by any decisive action to address the groups’ calls for meaningful reform. Human Rights Watch

Tunísia: Eleições talvez só em 2015

En Tunisie, les élections législatives et présidentielle, prévues pour 2014, pourraient bien être reportée à l'année prochaine. Explications. Des élections législatives et présidentielle devaient avoir lieu cette année en Tunisie, de manière à clore la période de transition. À l'Assemblée nationale constituante (ANC), des débats concernant le futur code électoral se sont engagés. Pourtant, les Tunisiens vont sans doute devoir attendre encore un peu. Des sources concordantes proches du gouvernement et des partis membres de l'ex-troïka au pouvoir estiment en effet que les scrutins ne pourront avoir lieu avant, dans le meilleur des cas, le premier trimestre de 2015. Parce que les partis ne sont pas prêts et que la sécurité est encore loin d'avoir été rétablie. Pour faire passer la pilule de ce report, une date symbolique pourrait être retenue, comme le 14 janvier, jour anniversaire du déclenchement de la révolution, ou le 20 mars, pour la fête de l'indépendance. Ennahdha n'envisage pas de présenter à la présidentielle un candidat issu de ses rangs, mais ne verrait pas d'un mauvais oeil la candidature de Mustapha Ben Jaafar (foto), président de l'ANC et membre du Forum démocratique pour le travail et les libertés (Ettakatol) Lire l'article sur Jeuneafrique.com : Élections en Tunisie | Tunisie : vers un report des élections législatives et présidentielle en 2015 | Jeuneafrique.com - le premier site d'information et d'actualité sur l'Afrique Follow us: @jeune_afrique on Twitter | jeuneafrique1 on Facebook

Zimbabwe: Como funciona a hipocrisia da União Europeia

The European Union has lifted almost all its sanctions against Zimbabwe’s political and business elite. With one rather significant exception: Mugabe is still on the blacklist (no pun intended, although it might just be appropriate), and he would be well within his rights to wonder what he’s done to deserve this special attention. Sure, he’s a brutal, oppressive autocrat, but he’s not the only one. By SIMON ALLISON. There was a time, not so long ago, when 203 Zimbabwean people and companies were blacklisted by the European Union, caught up in the ‘targeted sanctions’ designed to punish the Zimbabwean government’s human rights violations and encourage regime change. Those on the list were, in theory, prevented from travelling to the European Union, or doing business there, and their assets were frozen. As of Monday, there are now just three names left on that list: Comrade-in-Chief Robert Gabriel Mugabe; his wife, Grace; and Zimbabwe Defence Suppliers, an arms dealer. As the political situation in Zimbabwe has stabilised, so the European Union has quietly rewarded Zimbabwe’s top businessmen and ruling elite by lifting the restrictions against most of them. As sanctions go, these were always mostly symbolic, and their targets didn’t seem to mind all that much. Switzerland and its secret banks aren’t part of the EU anyway, and why shop in London when Dubai stocks the same ranges, and doesn’t ask any awkward questions? Mugabe himself seems to prefer Singapore, anyway – he’s there now seeking medical attention, while Grace does her thing on Orchard Road. In fact, being on the sanctions list was something of a point of pride for members of Zimbabwe’s ruling party; a shout-out from the hated European colonialists didn’t hurt anyone’s popularity with the Zimbabwean electorate. Nor did the sanctions achieve any kind of broader purpose. As Joe Devanny argues in Think Africa Press, the sanctions “ultimately showcased EU foreign policy at its most ineffective and increasingly unjustifiable” and were “never part of carefully-calibrated, coordinated, multilateral efforts to either change the behaviour of the Mugabe government or precipitate regime change”. In addition, the sanctions are porous, and remain so. In March last year, Mugabe attended the inauguration of Pope Francis in the Vatican City. The Vatican City is not an EU member, but to get there, he had to land at Rome’s Leonardo Do Vinci Airport and transit through the Italian capital. Italy most definitely is part of the EU, but opted not to prevent Mugabe’s travel. This year, Mugabe has been given the green light to attend the EU-Africa summit. The sanctions will be temporarily lifted to allow the president to travel to Brussels. In fairness to the EU, it was given little choice in the matter: African countries took a joint position that they would all boycott the summit if Mugabe was not allowed to attend this year. Mugabe’s presence is important because he was elected in January to one of the top jobs in the African Union, as first deputy chair of the AU executive council. This effectively puts him in line to take over as AU Chairperson next year. Whether Europe likes it or not, Mugabe is taking on more and more of an African statesman role – and, in all likelihood, those sanctions will have to be bent even further next year to accommodate his presence at significant conferences and events. For the EU, it is an unenviable position to be in. On the one hand, the EU is trying to send a firm message to Zimbabwe’s leader that his leadership is not acceptable. On the other, African heads of state have chosen him as a role model – completely undermining the EU position. Complicating things further is that the EU funds 50% of the AU’s budget. In effect, the EU is now sponsoring Mugabe’s elevation to continental statesmanship. The situation is particularly fraught for UK Prime Minister David Cameron, who is under strong domestic pressure to boycott the summit because of Mugabe’s presence. “If he [Mr Mugabe] now is to be there, then I would call on our Prime Minister to follow the principled lead of his predecessor Gordon Brown,” said Kate Hoey, a Labour MP who chairs the all-party parliamentary group on Zimbabwe. In 2007, then-Prime Minister Brown refused to attend the 2007 EU-Africa summit in Lisbon because Mugabe was also attending. Various civil society groups have echoed Hoey’s call. The evident discomfort of EU politicians may also have something to do with the uncomfortable hypocrisy of their position on Zimbabwe. As Zimbabwean academic and journalist Miles Tendi-Blessing explains, in a Guardian column urging Cameron to attend the summit regardless of Mugabe: “It would be hypocritical to boycott because of Mugabe’s presence and yet say nothing about the participation of Kenya’s president Uhuru Kenyatta, who is accused by the International Criminal Court of orchestrating post-election violence in 2007-8 in which more than 1,000 people were killed. Other likely attendees, such as Angolan president José Eduardo dos Santos, Equatorial Guinea leader Teodoro Obiang, Gambia’s Yahya Jammeh and Swaziland’s King Mwati III, to mention a few, are hardly paragons of human rights protection either. The more the UK unevenly interferes in the affairs of African states in the name of advancing human rights, the more it undermines the advance of the human rights doctrine in Africa.” For some reason, though, both the UK and the EU have singled out Zimbabwe for special attention. And even as the EU relaxes sanctions against the country, the fixation on Mugabe remains. Sure, he is a deeply flawed leader, but then, he’s not the only one. Where are the sanctions against Obiang? Why is Chad’s Idriss Deby feted in Paris? Why is David Cameron happy to shakes hands and smile for the cameras with Saudi Arabia’s King Abdullah? Perhaps it’s that Europe can afford to alienate Zimbabwe, which is of little economic significance. Or perhaps it’s more insidious than that: unlike any other African leader, some (but certainly not all) of Mugabe’s crimes were committed against white people, which makes him that much more dangerous to the jaundiced eyes of European electorates. Does Mugabe deserve to be sanctioned? Absolutely. As every human rights report from the last decade will tell you, he’s a nasty piece of work. But he’s not the only one. And as long as Europe singles him out for special attention, while embracing others of his ilk, the sanctions actually work in his favour. With justification, Mugabe can claim he is a victim, while Europe’s moral standing (dubious at the best of time) is eroded by its hypocrisy. All we’re asking for is a little consistency – and if that’s too much, then it is might be time to forget this whole charade. DM Daily Maverick, South Africa