Sudão/Sudões: Os salteadores do petróleo

China’s role in Africa seems to a subject of almost limitless interest − especially when it comes to ideas of large-scale resource extraction. Evoking images of another imperial struggle for dominance on the continent, much debate focuses on the perception of China being in the driving seat in its dealings with African governments. And, particularly in the American press, Chinese policy is often portrayed as ‘locking up’ access to crude supplies, making it increasingly difficult for private Western companies, with their different business models, to acquire oil security in a world of increasing demand. Luke Patey’s intricately researched book, The New Kings of Crude, aims to correct some of these Western stereotypes of China and its ambitions in Africa − specifically the oil rich nations of Sudan and South Sudan. Patey's mastery of the subject is clear and, despite the proliferation of international conferences and media debates over China’s role in Africa, this long-form analysis is a welcome addition to a surprisingly empty bookshelf on the subject. From Tigers to Dragons Patey’s book begins in 1984 when a group of southern Sudanese rebels in Unity State attacked the Rubkona base camp which had been set up by the US multinational energy corporation Chevron in the 1970s. Three workers died in the incident, which seemed to have been a bungled stunt gone wrong and which had rapidly escalated into horror on that dark, malarial night. The Rubkona attack is a stark reminder of both the deep-rooted nature of the current conflict in South Sudan and the extraordinary risks international oil companies take to secure oil concessions. The book goes on to tell the story of pioneering contractor Brian Kay who took on the challenge of prospecting for resources in Chevron’s enormous half a million square kilometre concession, much of which was dominated by the Sudd, a huge swamp formed by the White Nile basin. Patey describes machines with names such as the Ty-Ty Tiger and the Lily-chopper, which were flown in by helicopter to allow the crews to work on the wetlands, though Chevron’s dreams in the end amounted to nothing. In 1992, the company pulled out of Sudan after 20 years and $1 billion of investment without ever having drilled a drop − a consequence of the continual threat of insecurity and disruption. In 1995, the Chinese stepped into Chevron’s shoes and used the US oil company’s geological maps and basic infrastructure to help them get started in production which would eventually yield over 400,000 barrels per day. The New Kings of Crude details the rapid development of the pipeline infrastructure to transport the oil from Bentiu and Unity states in the south to an oil terminal at Port Sudan in the north. The legacy of this arrangement is ever present in the complex situation today. In 2012, shortly after the south seceded to become South Sudan, arguments over what it should pay to Khartoum in transit fees for the oil caused a shut-down in production. Furthermore, South Sudan's President Salva Kiir seems determined to break its reliance on north pipelines by constructing a new pipeline to Lamu on the Kenyan coast. A nuanced account Rather than paint a picture of the China National Petroleum Company (CNPC) as omnipotent and in full control of its own destiny in Sudan, Patey tells a rather more nuanced story of inter-dependence between the company and the Sudanese government. He also reflects upon the almost unknown history of Indian national oil companies in Sudan and describes in detail how the CNPC was indelibly affected when five of its workers were kidnapped and killed by disaffected Misseriya fighters in the so-called ‘10.18’ incident in 2008. Patey suggests that the experience greatly shaped the company’s security practices and community liaison efforts. The author further recounts how the CNPC came to feel the pressure from a divestment campaign launched by students in the US in response to the conflict in Darfur and China’s perceived failure to criticise the actions of the Khartoum government. While these efforts ultimately had limited results, it did lead to other civil society campaigns against Chinese national oil companies investing in US markets. And this in turn arguably led former Chinese president Hu Jintao to break the sacred Chinese commitment to non-interference and urge Sudan's President Omar al-Bashir to find a resolution to the Darfur crisis on a visit to Khartoum in 2007. With the ongoing crisis in South Sudan and the CNPC‘s current operational difficulties, it would have been preferable for Patey to include more focus on the unresolved issues relating to oil in Sudan’s Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) in 2005 − which established the roadmap that led to South Sudanese independence − and the South’s decision to secede in 2011. In the book, there is also an occasional tendency to tell the story in a non-chronological way, which makes it difficult to discern exactly which events were the most crucial. Nevertheless, the book is written in a personable and character-driven style, making it accessible to the general reader and those with an academic interest. Its greatest strength, however, is that it provides a comprehensive history to the never-ending complexities of Sudanese politics which continue to dictate events to this day. Think Africa Press welcomes inquiries regarding the republication of its articles. If you would like to republish this or any other article for re-print, syndication or educational purposes, please contact: editor@thinkafricapress.com.

Bissau: O PAIGC respira de alívio

Malgré une requête du Parquet général visant à faire invalider la candidature de José Mario Vaz, du Parti africain pour l’indépendance de la Guinée et du Cap-Vert (PAIGC), à la présidentielle prévue le 13 avril, la Cour suprême a entériné sa participation au scrutin… Le PAIGC, parti emblématique de la guerre de libération et première force politique à l’Assemblée nationale populaire, peut respirer. La Cour suprême a validé, le 12 mars, la candidature à l’élection présidentielle de son candidat, l’ancien ministre des Finances José Mario Vaz. Désigné par le parti neuf jours plus tôt, à 72 heures de la date limite fixée pour le dépôt des candidature, celui-ci avait fait l’objet, en fin de semaine dernière, d’une demande d’invalidation déposée devant la Cour suprême par le procureur général du pays, Abdu Mané. À l’origine de cette initiative, les soupçons pesant sur "Jomav" d’être impliqué dans le détournement présumé d’une aide budgétaire de 12,5 millions de dollars (9 millions d’euros) du temps où il était ministre des Finances de Carlos Gomes Junior, l’ancien premier ministre dont l’élection probable à la présidentielle de 2012 – il avait recueilli 48,97% des suffrages au premier tour – avait été interrompue par un coup d’état militaire. Malgré cette épée de Damoclès judiciaire sur le candidat du PAIGC, la base légale de la requête introduite par le Parquet semblait hautement aléatoire. "Aux termes de la loi électorale, une candidature ne peut être invalidé que si l’intéressé a été définitivement condamné", analyse Vincent Foucher, spécialiste de la Guinée Bissau à l’International Crisis Group (ICG). Or dans ce dossier, "Jomav" a seulement fait l’objet d’auditions par la police judiciaire. C’est d’ailleurs ce que rappelle la Cour suprême dans sa décision, en rappelant que "la présomption d’innocence" doit s’appliquer. Parti divisé Du côté du PAIGC, on dénonce depuis vendredi dernier "une démarche dictée par des considérations politiques". "Le poste de procureur général est très politique en Guinée-Bissau", précise Vincent Foucher. Il est vrai que le parti le plus puissant du pays, majoritaire à l’Assemblée nationale, doit composer avec la défiance des forces armées – réticentes à voir un homme lié à Carlos Gomes Junior accéder aux plus hautes responsabilités – mais aussi avec des divisions entre les différentes factions du parti. Une invalidation du candidat du PAIGC eût été de nature à remettre en cause la bonne tenue d’un scrutin plusieurs fois repoussé, censé se tenir le 13 avril. Face à ce risque, le Représentant spécial du Secrétaire général de l’ONU en Guinée-Bissau, José Ramos-Horta, a d’ailleurs estimé, une fois la requête connue, qu’"il n’y a aucune raison de l'empêcher ["Jomav"] de participer aux prochaines élections présidentielles". ________ Mehdi Ba, à Dakar Lire l'article sur Jeuneafrique.com

Bissau: Mantém-se a candidatura de José Mário Vaz

O (STJ) da Guiné-Bissau recusou

quarta-feira, 12, o pedido de impugnação da candidatura de José Mário Vaz (PAIGC) à Presidência da República. A decisão é suportada por seis juízes conselheiros, enquanto Paulo Sanhá, presidente do STJ, votou vencido. O Supremo Tribunal de Justiça (STJ) da Guiné-Bissau recusou esta quarta-feira, 12, o pedido de impugnação da candidatura de José Mário Vaz (PAIGC) à Presidência da República. No acórdão a que a Lusa teve acesso, o STJ recusa "provimento à pretensão" do Procurador-Geral da República (PGR), Abdu Mané, "declarando-se o candidato do PAIGC às presidenciais de 13 de Abril, José Mário Vaz (foto), elegível nos termos da lei eleitoral". A decisão é suportada por seis juízes conselheiros, enquanto Paulo Sanhá, presidente do STJ, votou vencido. Com base na lei eleitoral, o acórdão refere que o pedido feito pelo PGR "é ilegal e a dita impugnação devia ser indeferida liminarmente", por não haver matéria "que possa ser objecto de impugnação ou relação". Abdu Mané considerou que Vaz não podia ser candidato por ter os seus direitos de circulação limitados no âmbito de medidas de coação impostas durante um processo sob investigação. Em causa, está o alegado desaparecimento de 12 milhões de dólares doados por Angola à Guiné-Bissau, mas que não terão dado entrada nos cofres do Estado guineense. As averiguações recaem sobre a acção do actual candidato do PAIGC quando era ministro das Finanças do Governo deposto pelo golpe de Estado militar de Abril de 2012. No acórdão de hoje, o STJ cita a Constituição da República, realçando que "todo o arguido se presume inocente até ao trânsito em julgado da sentença de condenação".

Cabo Verde: Problemas de psicopatia e alcoolismo

O Tribunal da Comarca da Praia marcou para 14 de março a leitura da sentença de Zezinho Catana, suspeito de ter matado e esquartejado o até então seu companheiro de quarto e vendido a carne da vítima. No julgamento, que decorreu ao longo desta semana, a acusação pediu 24 anos de prisão para Zezinho Catana, 52 anos, que se encontra em prisão preventiva desde junho de 2013, defendendo que o acusado admitiu todos os factos do crime. A defesa de Catana considerou que o arguido tem antecedentes de psicopatia e de alcoolismo, pelo que pediu a inimputabilidade do acusado e o internamento num hospital psiquiátrico com acompanhamento médico permanente. No julgamento, o arguido confessou ter matado José dos Anjos no bairro da Terra Branca, Cidade da Praia, em junho de 2013, tendo depois esquartejado a vítima, mas negou ter vendido a carne de José dos Anjos como se de carneiro se tratasse, apesar de uma testemunha do processo ter indicado que chegou a ser consumida por um dos compradores. O alegado assassino saíra em 2011 da Cadeia Central de Ribeirinha, na ilha de São Vicente, e encontrava-se há pouco tempo na cidade da Praia, onde foi acolhido pela vítima José dos Anjos. Segundo a ficha policial, em 1980, Zezinho Catana chegou a cometer uma tentativa de assassínio na ilha de Santo Antão, em que a vítima levou 75 pontos na cabeça mas conseguiu escapar da morte. Por este crime, o cabo-verdiano foi condenado a 12 anos de prisão, mas, devido ao seu bom comportamento, saiu em liberdade condicional após cumprir oito. Três meses depois, cometeu um assassínio, também na ilha de Santo Antão, esmagando a cabeça da vítima com uma pedra de 15 quilos e foi condenado a 22 anos de prisão e, mais uma vez pelo bom comportamento, cumpriu apenas 19 anos. Ainda durante a prisão, numa licença de fim de semana, violou uma idosa de 94 anos. Nas alegações finais do julgamento de Catana, o advogado oficioso, Marco Paulo, justificou o seu pedido com o facto de considerar que o arguido, na altura do crime, "não estar com capacidade mental para perceber os seus atos". "Estamos num caso típico de uma situação de inimputabilidade por psicopatia", disse Marco Paulo, indicando que a avaliação foi feita ao arguido por três psiquiatras. "O silêncio do arguido deu mais trabalho ao Tribunal, mas as provas do processo fizeram com que fosse aplicada como medida de coação a prisão preventiva, (...) Por isso, pedimos que seja condenado a uma pena nunca inferior a 24 anos", defendeu, por seu lado, o Ministério Público. Durante o julgamento, Catana confessou apenas ter-se envolvido numa briga com a vítima porque era forçado por José dos Anjos a trabalhar sem remuneração, adiantando que não se lembra do ocorrido. "Todas as vezes que consumo bebidas alcoólicas fico inocente e perco a noção das coisas", argumento Zezinho Catana. Jornal de Notícias, 28 de Fevereiro de 2014

Serra Leoa: Morte do antigo Presidente Tejan-Kabbah

Sierra Leone's ex-president and war-time leader Ahmed Tejan Kabbah has died at the age of 82 after a long illness. Mr Kabbah's then-deputy, Solomon Berewa, and a relative confirmed his death, Sierra Leonean journalist Umaru Fofana told the BBC. Mr Kabbah was praised for his leadership during Sierra's Leone's decade-long civil war. The conflict officially ended in 2002 after foreign forces intervened to help defeat rebels. Mr Kabbah's death has not yet been officially announced, Mr Fofana told BBC Focus on Africa. However, a distraught relative told him that Mr Kabbah had died, Mr Fofana says. Mr Berewa had gone to Mr Kabbah's home in the capital, Freetown, after learning of the ex-president's death, he adds. BBC

Bissau: O terrível imbróglio

GBNews 10-03-2014 (Agence Ecofin) - José Mario Vaz, qui avait été investi comme candidat du Parti africain pour l'indépendance de la Guinée et du Cap-Vert (PAIGC), a été exclu de la compétition électorale par la Cour suprême. Il lui est reproché d’avoir participé au détournement d’une aide budgétaire accordée par l’Angola pour un montant de 12 millions de dollars, une accusation que réfute l’intéressé : « Il y a des gens qui veulent tirer profit politique de cette situation Je suis une personne propre. J'ai dirigé des institutions avec sérieux, détermination, fermeté et transparence », a-t-il communiqué à la presse. La Cour suprême demande au PAIGC de se trouver un autre candidat, mais le parti ne l’entend pas de cette oreille : « La Cour suprême ne peut invalider une candidature qu'en cas de condamnation ferme ou si le candidat est en instance de jugement, ou en garde à vue » réplique-t-il. Il est à craindre que le pays replonge dans une crise politique à quelques semaines seulement des élections. /Agence Ecofin Note: Le dernier jour que la cour suprême du gouvernement de transition, donnera sa décision finale est le (15-03-2014) ... en attendant c'est le groupe d’actionnaires africains et européens ECOFIN (parmi lesquels les fonds ECP, la société PROPARCO, la banque Phoenix Capital, la société LiquidAfrica ou encore le Cabinet Fénéon.) qui vous livre cette nouvelle sur la situation de la PAIGC ---- A 33 dias da ida às urnas, ainda não se sabe muito bem quais é que vão ser realmente os candidatos à Presidência da República. Que triste situação!

RCA: Uma cruzada contra os muçulmanos

(Reuters) - Most Muslims have been driven out of the western half of conflict-torn Central African Republic, where thousands of civilians risk of being killed "right before our eyes," the U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees said on Thursday. The bleak warning came as the country's foreign minister pleaded with the U.N. Security Council to urgently approve a U.N. peacekeeping force to stop the killing. Widespread violence in the former French colony has claimed thousands of lives since Seleka, a coalition of mostly Muslim northern rebels, seized power a year ago. Attacks intensified in December when "anti-Balaka" militias drawn from the majority Christian population stepped up reprisals on Muslims. "Since early December we have effectively witnessed a 'cleansing' of the majority of the Muslim population in western CAR," U.N. High Commissioner for Refugees Antonio Guterres told a meeting of the 15-nation U.N. Security Council on the crisis in the impoverished and landlocked country. "Tens of thousands of them (Muslims) have left the country, the second refugee outflow of the current crisis, and most of those remaining are under permanent threat," he said. The council is considering a U.N. proposal for a nearly 12,000-strong peacekeeping force to stop the country from sliding toward what a top U.N. rights official called "ethnic-religious cleansing." If approved, the U.N. force would likely not be operational before late summer. "Just last week, there were about 15,000 people trapped in 18 locations in western CAR, surrounded by anti-Balaka elements and at very high risk of attack," Guterres said. "International forces are present in some of these sites, but if more security is not made available immediately, many of these civilians risk being killed right before our eyes." Guterres said that until last year CAR "was largely a stranger to religious conflict." But the worsening bloodshed has enabled armed groups to use religion as a pretext for violence. "The demon of religious cleansing must be stopped - now," he said. Guterres' spokeswoman Melissa Fleming said western CAR was roughly half the country. 'SURGE' OF PEACEKEEPERS NEEDED Central African Republic's Foreign Minister Toussaint Kongo-Doudou told the council that his country's survival depended on the urgent deployment of a U.N. force. U.N. peacekeeping chief Herve Ladsous also spoke about the dire need for U.N. troops. "The state has virtually no capacity to manage the massive array of threats it is facing," Ladsous said. "There is no national army and the remnants of the police and gendarmerie lack the basic equipment and means to exercise their duties, while state administration is largely absent." The European Union is already deploying 1,000 soldiers to join 6,000 African and 2,000 French troops. Those forces have so far not been able to halt the killings and restore stability. U.N. humanitarian chief Valerie Amos told the council that there are more than 650,000 people internally displaced in CAR due to the conflict, over 232,000 in the capital Bangui alone. Nearly 300,000 people have fled to neighboring countries. "The violence has led to the total breakdown of the state, locally and nationally," she said. Ladsous said he hoped to include as many of the African contingents as possible in a future U.N. force. U.N. officials have told Reuters on condition of anonymity that few of the African contingents are trained and equipped to U.N. standards. Ladsous said the initial phase of a peacekeeping operation would have to focus on helping to establish security. "This will require an initial surge of military personnel and corresponding military enablers," he said. "Alongside this initial military surge, essential civilian capacities will be deployed, phased in gradually as the situation stabilizes." Ladsous said it will cost hundreds of millions of dollars. The force will need to be approved by the Security Council. Diplomats said France will submit within the next few weeks a draft resolution to authorize a peacekeeping force in line with U.N. recommendations. French Ambassador Gerard Araud said Paris supports Ladsous' call for some 10,000 troops and 1,820 police but he predicted a "very difficult negotiation" on the resolution. Diplomats say the United States and Britain are especially concerned about costs due to national requirements for legislative approval. But U.S. Ambassador Samantha Power voiced support for U.N. chief Ban Ki-moon's call for a U.N. force in CAR. "We are prepared to work closely with partners starting immediately to move forward in developing a peacekeeping operation that can meet the challenges in the Central African Republic," she said.