Miguel Albuquerque, líder do PSD-Madeira

À terceira tentativa, Miguel Albuquerque, 53 anos, conseguiu atingir a liderança do PSD-Madeira, desde 1976 com um único titular: Alberto João Jardim. E traçou como seu próximo objectivo conquistar a maioria absoluta nas eleições legislativas regionais que quer antecipar para legitimar-se como próximo presidente do governo. Na segunda volta das directas, realizada esta segunda-feira, o ex-presidente da Câmara do Funchal (1994/2013) alcançou 3949 votos (64,06%) contra 2216 votos (35,94%) do seu opositor Manuel António Correia, membro do governo regional cuja candidatura foi lançada e apoiada por Jardim que assim defraudou as naturais expectativas do seu vice, João Cunha Silva, afastado da corrida na primeira volta por ficar na terceira posição com 15,97% dos votos expressos. Albuquerque venceu em dez dos 11 concelhos e em 46 das 54 freguesias do arquipélago. Num universo de 7163 militantes em condições de votarem, 6.232 foram às urnas, registando-se uma abstenção de 13%. Nesse primeiro round disputado por seis candidatos no passado dia 19, Albuquerque obteve 2992 votos (47,2%), tendo ficado a 175 votos da maioria absoluta, necessária para ser eleito líder. Identificado com “os interesses instalados que têm de ser expurgados”, o secretário regional dos Recursos Naturais, seu opositor desta segunda-feira, teve então 1819 votos, correspondentes a 28,7%. “A partir de agora não existem adversários, mas companheiros de jornada”, declarou Miguel Albuquerque no discurso de vitória nas directas em que os sociais-democratas madeirenses “deram uma lição de liberdade democrática”. Ao anunciar um novo ciclo, Albuquerque comprometeu-se a apresentar um “horizonte de esperança aos madeirenses”, “quebrar bloqueios e isolamentos” e “estabelecer pontes com as instituições do Estado”. “O povo madeirense sabe o que quer. É lucido e soberano nas escolhas políticas, recusa ver repetições esgotadas, e precisa de um novo desígnio colectivo para o futuro da região”, afirma Albuquerque, o primeiro dirigente social-democrata a afrontar o líder histórico do PSD e do governo da Madeira, em 2012, conseguindo um surpreendente votação de 49% contra 51%. Quebrou então, reconhece este advogado, ”o falso unanimismo que estava a estagnar a prática do PSD no seu pensamento, na sua prática, na sua postura, nas suas acções politicas”. Para mudar de atitude e de políticas – deixando de ser um partido “mumificado, governamentalizado e prisioneiro dos interesses instalados” –, Albuquerque assume um pacto com os madeirenses: “Afirmar uma nova visão estratégica para a Região Autónoma e desenhar uma nova agenda centrada na valorização dos nossos recursos e posição geopolítica na bacia do Atlântico, na modernização das instituições e do tecido económico, na coesão social, na captação do investimento estrangeiro e promoção externa das nossas atractividades intrínsecas”. Albuquerque terá apenas quatro meses, se as eleições forem antecipadas, como preconiza, para afirmar o seu projecto e conquistar a confiança dos cerca de 257 mil eleitores madeirenses. E, sobretudo, inverter a tendência descendente da votação no PSD de Jardim que perdeu em toda a região 43 mil votos em seis anos. Entre as eleições regionais antecipadas de 2007 e as autárquicas de 2013, a votação dos sociais-democratas caiu para quase metade, ao passar dos 90 mil para 47 mil votos. Face às últimas autárquicas, perdeu cerca de 25 mil votos. Até às regionais, Albuquerque terá de convencer o eleitorado de que não é cúmplice do “jardinismo” que deixou a região numa aflitiva situação económico-financeira e social, com excesso de endividamento do sector público e privado, diminuição do poder de compra, aumento exponencial do desemprego e da exclusão social. Propõe-se renegociar dívida regional (cujos encargos exigem 200 milhões por ano) e o plano de resgate que impôs significativos cortes, restrições e duplo agravamento fiscal. Caso contrário, diz, “não é possível prolongar a elevadíssima carga fiscal sobre as empresas e as famílias, nem é possível”, por outro lado, levando em conta as receitas correntes e as transferências do Estado (cerca de mil milhões de euros), a região suportar os encargos do passado, assegurar o funcionamento dos serviços públicos essenciais da sua responsabilidade, entre os quais a saúde e a educação (cerca de 70% da despesa), garantir o funcionamento da administração regional e libertar as verbas necessárias para a revitalização da sua economia e combate ao desemprego. PÚBLICO

Carta dos índios ao Presidente Obama

December 28, 2012 Honorable President Barack Obama c/o The White House 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue Washington, DC 20500 Dear Mr. President, My name is Calvin Spotted Elk. I am a direct lineal descendant of Chief Spotted Elk, the Minneconjou leader who was killed at Wounded Knee in 1890 (foto). For many years, my grandfather has erroneously been known as Chief “Big Foot”. His name and certain photographs allegedly taken of him have been the source of some historical confusion since his death. My grandfather’s correct name was Unpan Gleska. This literally means “Spotted Elk”; a female spotted elk, to be precise. After the tragedy, the newspapers published his name as "Chief Big Foot" and a name, which according to my family history was derogatory, became the unfortunate name by which he was to be referred to by for many years. In government delegation council meetings he and my other grandfathers were a part of, he is referred to by his correct English name, "Spotted Elk". The same is true of the Minneconjou Winter Counts kept by Lakota elderly councils during the time he was alive. Only in the newspapers and after his death was he referred to by this name yet the memorial marker and the highway named in his honor both bear the name "Big Foot". While attempting to correct this and other misinformation in the public regarding my ancestor, it came to my attention that Congressional Medals of Honor awarded for service at Wounded Knee in 1890, remain a matter of importance to many people today. My relatives and I, as representatives of the Minneconjou (and now Oglala), humbly request your support as Commander-in-Chief to assist in the revocation of at least eighteen (18) Medals of Honor. As you are probably aware, a Congressional Medal of Honor is awarded by the President in the name of Congress, to military personnel according to a standard of “extraordinary merit.” We feel those medals were not held to that high standard. On December 29, 1890, Minneconjou Chief Spotted Elk and at least 350 Lakota people were intercepted by a Seventh Cavalry detachment under Major Samuel Whitside near Porcupine Butte presently on the Pine Ridge Indian Reservation in South Dakota. Specific details on what triggered the fight will probably always be debated but it is an historical fact that what ensued was a massacre. There were many eyewitnesses; sources including General Nelson Miles who himself criticized the indiscriminate killing that morning. Historical records detail the tragedy at Wounded Knee so to go into further detail at this time is not necessary but we believe the facts justify careful reconsideration regarding removing those soldiers from the Medals of Honor Roll. In a letter to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs in 1917 then retired Lieutenant General Nelson Miles stated: “The rifle was discharged and a massacre occurred, not only the warriors but the sick Chief Big Foot and a large number of women and children who tried to escape by running and scattering over the prarie [sic], were hunted down and killed.“ Although General Miles was critical of the tactics, he believed the Lakota people at that time should have been under military control. A year prior to his 1917 letter, he was a part of the governing board which ultimately rescinded 911 Congressional Medals of Honor. "On June 3, 1916 Section 122 of the National Defense Act was passed, calling for a board of five retired Army generals to review every award of the Medal of Honor to date. Retired Lieutenant General Nelson Miles presided over the board which rescinded a total of 911 Medals of Honor that were illegitimately awarded. Each of the 2,625 Medals of Honor awarded up to the time of the review was given a number so that each case would be decided on the merit of the action without undue prejudice." I do not know why the following medals were not part of those reviews but because it was General Miles whose efforts, in part, were related to the tragedy, prejudice was outstanding. As you can see, what I am requesting is not something new. Others before me have petitioned. I am aware that two resolutions (SPO-01-100 and DEN-07-082) were submitted by the National Congress of American Indians in 2001 which were tabled for further review. As we go into 2013, twelve years later, I humbly request this issue be brought back for active consideration. I am making this request as only one of the many Lakota people who lost their ancestors at Wounded Knee. One reason this is important is because so many names have been forgotten and some inaccurately recorded. There are only a few names inscribed on the memorial marker but there are many more ancestors buried in the mass grave at Wounded Knee. The monument was erected by a well-meaning family some years after the massacre but even my grandfather's real name was incorrectly inscribed. This has led to further confusion because there was a different leader from the Oglala band who went by the name of Big Foot. It is some of his photographs which have been mistaken for my grandfather. For people from Cheyenne River (where my grandfather was from) and people from Pine Ridge (where our people are buried and where many later settled) this has been a source of conflict and subsequently it has also been a problem for modern scholars. The various lists of names maintained by the tribes originated with a non-native anthropologist in the 1990s. Unfortunately there are still many errors on the list in the form of duplications, mistranslations as well as other types. Unfortunately this problem creates real-world consequences for people. Especially for those who have not been raised knowing who their biological ancestors were. Lakota naming conventions are different than English naming conventions. In our culture, we have a saying: "We are all related." Traditionally, we have referred to some of our relatives in the "Indian way" but they may not have ever been biologically related to us. When the naming conventions were imposed by the census takers, there were problems created that cannot be easily untangled today. Some names were mistranslated into English and lost their meaning. Other names were translated by French interpreters and then into English. Still other names were shortened so much that they barely resemble their original meaning or actually have the opposite meaning. Only by being and knowing Lakota can this ever be untangled. Unfortunately, few people today speak our native language fluently. For the past two years, I have been working with many descendants of survivors from all three reservations in an effort to untangle and correct as many errors as possible so we can finally have a proper memorial for our people. It is difficult and time-consuming work but together we have made steady progress. With each of the people I have spoken with the same issues surface again and again. One of the main ones is the issue I bring to your attention today. Mr. President, will you please consider revoking the medals awarded to the soldiers listed below as well as any subsequent awards which may have been overlooked during our research? We found there were at least eighteen (18) Medals of Honor awarded for Wounded Knee. In contrast, during the four year course of World War II, only three (3) such medals were given to tens of thousands of soldiers from South Dakota. It is incomprehensible that a hundred and twenty two years later, this remains unresolved. It will help to heal a wound between the recent generations of Lakota people and generations of non-native settlers in the area who were brought up with the belief that this was a battle instead of what it was. I feel there is strong justification for removing those soldiers from the rolls and making it clear that this was a terrible tragedy that should never happen again. According to the rules governing the Medals of Honor, "each of the armed services has set up regulations which permit no margin of doubt or error. The deed of the person must be proved by incontestable evidence of at least two eyewitnesses; it must be so outstanding that it clearly distinguishes his gallantry beyond the call of duty from lesser forms of bravery; it must involve the risk of his life; and it must be of the type of deed which, if he had not done it, would not subject him to any justified criticism.” Mr. President, what happened at Wounded Knee was not worthy of this nation's highest award for exceptional valor. The actions of the soldiers have been justly criticized because this was a massacre, not a battle. This tragedy, for many, remains a blemish in American history. My relatives and I pray for this never to happen again and we pray you will hear our plea to put this to rest. I think it will help to lessen conflict in my home state of South Dakota between people who were raised believing falsely that this was a battle and people whose ancestors were victims of a terrible tragedy. I am reluctant to bring it up but as you know, just this month, in America, we have experienced, an unthinkable tragedy with the recent massacre of small children at Sandy Hook School in Connecticut. The circumstances were different between the two massacres but there were some aspects that were the same and for this, my heart truly mourns for the families in Connecticut. A massacre is a massacre no matter when or how it occurred but there is something truly horrifying when children and elders are deprived of their lives. It is especially heartbreaking when those responsible for taking their lives have been rewarded with medals of valor. Tomorrow morning, December 29, evokes painful feelings for Lakota people. Infants, small children, teenagers, elders, women and men, most of whom were unarmed (or very poorly armed) were hunted down for miles around Wounded Knee and killed. A couple of days later, after a blizzard swept through the area, some were amazingly discovered to still be alive, despite their wounds. These were frightened people, on the verge of starvation, whose leader was dying of pneumonia. This was not a true battle. Like the people at Sandy Hook and other places around the world, we should not forget their lives. Unless someone experiences this kind of violent sudden loss personally, it is very difficult to imagine how their surviving families will be affected. In the case where mostly orphans are left, this trauma can last for generations. Native Americans know unresolved grief. Many African Americans know too. There are lessons to be learned from Wounded Knee that will go a long way toward healing hearts and minds everywhere. The healing process takes time but through prayer, acceptance, awareness and forgiveness, it is possible. For many of us, acknowledgment of what happened is at the root of our healing. Many people in South Dakota, native American and not, still hold on to false beliefs that make reconciliation difficult. I pray that be able to honor his sentiment and reconcile differences through truth, compassion and forgiveness. Mr. President, I would like to sincerely thank you for taking time from your busy schedule to consider my request. This last election I voted for the first time in my life and I voted for you because I believe you sincerely wish to change things for the better. I hope you hold the desire to right this wrong so that future generations can live in truth and heal from senseless tragedies like this one. I humbly ask you to consider rescinding the following list of Medal of Honor Recipients (attached). Sincerely and Respectfully, Calvin Spotted Elk Medal of Honor Recipients Who Were Involved in the Massacre at Wounded Knee Creek (29 December 1890):* Name of Soldier Date of Issue William G. Austin 27 June 1891 John E. Clancy 23 January 1892 Mosheim Feaster 23 June 1891 Ernest A. Garlington 26 September 1893 John C. Gresham 26 March 1895 Mathew H. Hamilton 25 May 1891 Joshija B. Hartzog 24 March 1891 Harry L. Hawthorne 11 October 1892 Marvin C. Hillock 16 April 1891 George Hobday 23 June 1891 George Lloyd 16 April 1891 Albert W. McMillan 23 June 1891 Thomas Sullivan 17 December 1891 Frederick E. Toy 26 May 1891 Jacob Trautman 27 March 1891 James Ward 16 April 1891 Paul H. Weinert 24 March 1891 Hermann Ziegner 23 June 1891 Respectfully, Calvin Spotted Elk On behalf of the Spotted Elk family of descendants

A pensar na sucessão de Ban Ki-moon

Current speculation is focused on Eastern Europe, the region that has never produced a U.N. leader. The first candidates out of the block include Lithuanian President Dalia Grybauskaite (foto) and two Bulgarians — Irina Bokova, UNESCO’s executive director, and Kristalina Ivanova Georgieva, a European commissioner, an economist, and a former World Bank vice president. Slovakian Foreign Minister Miroslav Lajcak and Jan Kubis, a former Slovakian foreign minister and the current U.N. special representative for Afghanistan, are also in the running. Danilo Turk, a former Slovenian president and onetime top U.N. official, and Vuk Jeremic, a former Serbian foreign minister and a former U.N. General Assembly president, have also begun promoting their candidacy. "The smart money in 2016 will be on an East European acceptable to Moscow and supported by the rest of the P-5," Tharoor said in an emailed response to questions from Foreign Policy. "Anyone who doesn’t fit that description will start the race with a crippling (but not necessarily insuperable) handicap." Not everyone is certain that the Security Council’s key powers, deeply divided over Ukraine, will agree on an Eastern European candidate. The prospect of deadlock has encouraged aspirants from other parts of the world to explore a possible candidacy. "Any candidate in Eastern Europe will be seen as too close to Russia or too close to the West," said one U.N. official. "The well has been poisoned." Russia may block candidates like Bulgaria’s Georgieva who either come from European Union countries or are too closely associated with Western Europe. Jeremic, whose country, Serbia, is pursuing EU membership but has friendly ties to Russia, faces a possible Western veto. One European diplomat said Jeremic would ascend to the top U.N. job "over the P3’s dead body." (The P3 is a reference to Britain, France, and the United States.) Helen Clark, a former prime minister of New Zealand and currently the head of the U.N. Development Program, is believed to be running a stealth campaign for U.N. chief from her day job. Kevin Rudd, a former Australian prime minister who recently took up an appointment at the Asia Society in Manhattan, providing him a perch for lobbying U.N.-based dignitaries, has also expressed some interest in the job, according to a senior New York-based diplomat. Neither is in a position to publicly declare his or her candidacy as long as the Eastern Europeans are still under consideration, according to diplomatic observers. Clark declined through a spokeswoman to comment for this article. A Clark spokeswoman, Christina LoNigro, told Foreign Policy that "Helen Clark has stated consistently that she loves the job she currently has as the administrator of the U.N. Development Program." But the two former prime ministers’ prospects may be buoyed by the fact that a candidate from the Western European and Others Group has not held the secretary-generalship since the 1980s, when Austrian Kurt Waldheim’s second term ended. In making the case for Clark’s candidacy, New Zealand has also noted the importance of appointing the first female U.N. secretary-general in history. "It’s high time that the U.N. had a woman as secretary-general," New Zealand’s prime minister, John Key, told the New Zealand Herald in June. "I think it would be a very proud day for New Zealand if [Clark] became the next secretary-general." Still, Key also played down Clark’s chance of winning. "Those jobs are Herculean tasks to win and there’s so much politics at play that it’s not straightforward, but in the event that she ran, we would definitely support her," he told the newspaper. Clark has said her gender would boost the profile of the world’s most visible diplomatic post. "There will be interest in whether the U.N. will have a first woman because they’re looking like the last bastions, as it were," she told the Guardian. "If there’s enough support for the style of leadership that I have, it will be interesting." In recent months, Clark has been trying to earn a reputation as a reformer by launching a belt-tightening campaign that has led to rare staff cuts at the U.N. Development Program. But her candidacy took a hit in October when the United States’ congressionally created watchdog responsible for monitoring U.S. funds for the payroll of Afghan police sharply criticized the U.N. Development Program for mishandling hundreds of millions of dollars in foreign assistance for the Afghan National Police. The U.N. agency countered that it had drawn the world’s attention to the misuse of funds but that it had limited authority to guarantee that Afghan authorities used the funds correctly. But Clark and Rudd may face a far steeper hurdle than the Afghan payroll problem. Latin American governments believe they may have a claim on the top U.N. job, noting that Westerners have held the top U.N. job for longer than any other region. Among the names of potential candidates being floated in New York’s diplomatic circles are well-known leaders, including Brazilian President Dilma Rousseff and Chilean President Michelle Bachelet. But Bachelet, a popular candidate within U.N. corridors, will still be Chile’s president when a U.N. leader is selected. Besides, the P5 has shown a particular allergy for appointing prominent world leaders for the top U.N. job, preferring less well-known foreign ministers and former U.N. envoys. A head of state has never been elected U.N. secretary-general. Other names floating include Alicia Bárcena, a Mexican national who once served as former Secretary-General Kofi Annan’s chief of staff; Rebeca Grynspan, a former Costa Rican vice president who has held top U.N. posts; and Colombian Foreign Minister María Ángela Holguín Cuéllar. William R. Pace, executive director of the World Federalist Movement, which has been leading a campaign to open the election process for U.N. chief, said that the likeliest choices would be from Eastern Europe. "But there is also huge interest in having a woman candidate." Pace noted that other international organizations, including the World Health Organization and the World Trade Organization, have taken steps to include more countries in the process of selecting their top officials, a step the United Nations has yet to take. He is among a group of a dozen nonprofit groups that have appealed to U.N. General Assembly members to reform the selection process. "The selection of the new Secretary-General in 2016 will be one of the most important decisions the General Assembly will make in the next ten years," according to a letter the group wrote to U.N. member states. "It is crucial that the best and most highly qualified candidate is selected to become UN Secretary-General." The group called for establishing "formal selection criteria, a call for nominations and a clear timetable for the selection process that enables adequate assessment of candidates, including through an official list of candidates and the submission of candidate vision statements." That type of politicking would be a major shift for the world body, where few have ever campaigned openly for the job. Javier Pérez de Cuéllar, a reserved Peruvian diplomat, found political campaigning unseemly and refused appeals by his own government to travel to New York to meet with key ambassadors responsible for determining whether he would be named secretary-general. This reticence "reflected my long held view that a candidate make no promises or commitments or become indebted to a particular country or group of countries that could later prejudice his or her judgment and action," he wrote in his memoir, Pilgrimage for Peace. He ultimately got the job. Brian Urquhart, one of the U.N.’s first employees, seemed appalled at the spectacle of open competition in 1969 when a Finnish diplomat decided to embark on a public campaign, writing in his memoir, A Life in Peace and War, that "the quest for the Secretary-Generalship began to deteriorate into a disorderly and often bizarre political struggle." But he acknowledged in the book that the traditional closed-door selection process often led to "a candidate who will not exert any troubling degree of leadership, commitment, originality, or independence." Egyptian Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali, one of the most independent of the U.N. top leaders and certainly one of the most honest, was more pragmatic. Faced with the prospect of Bill Clinton’s administration blocking his bid for a second term, Boutros-Ghali appealed to U.S. Secretary of State Warren Christopher to win the White House’s backing. To drive home his case for American support, he reminded Christopher that he had given plum U.N. jobs to American officials. "I had done so, I said, because I wanted American support to succeed in my job," he wrote in his memoir, Unvanquished. It is precisely this kind of backroom dealing that has fueled bitterness over the entire election process. "I wouldn’t call it rigged, but it’s very politicized," Switzerland’s Seger said of the election process. He said a more open campaign could contribute to a "merit-based selection" process. As a first step, he suggested that candidates could come before the General Assembly for a hearing and take questions on their "goals and objectives." Sitting in his Midtown Manhattan office, Seger handed out a small stack of General Assembly resolutions dating back to August 1997 that call for greater transparency in the election, granting the General Assembly a role in sending candidates to the Security Council, and holding public hearings with candidates so they can describe their visions for the United Nations. None of the steps was ever implemented, but Seger suggested that doing so could at least theoretically make a difference. "The ballgame will be quite a different one," he said. "It will be more difficult for the P5 just to handpick someone [when] the wider membership was able to express its views." If recent history is an example, handpicking the next secretary-general is exactly what might be the likeliest outcome. Ban introduced the modern campaign process into the U.N. secretary-general race, with the South Korean government moving aggressively on his behalf by signing trade deals with Security Council members and promoting his prospects in key big-power capitals. Tharoor said the 2006 election had an "unprecedented level of public exposure for the candidates," though that didn’t seem to make much of a difference. "The eventual winner … did not participate, confirming that public campaigns had minimal impact on the outcome," he said. "The only government which undertook a yearlong, well-structured, and amply financed campaign among the 15 Security Council members, including announcements of bilateral development assistance, was South Korea — and its candidate won." Foreign Policy

Tunísia: Presidente eleito tem 88 anos

Veteran politician Beji Caid Essebsi has been confirmed as winner of Tunisia's first free presidential poll. He secured 55.68% of the vote in Sunday's run-off, defeating caretaker president Moncef Marzouki (44.32%), the head of the electoral commission said. Mr Marzouki, a 67-year-old former exile, earlier refused to admit defeat. Mr Essebsi, 88, has urged all Tunisians to "work together" for stability but critics say his win marks the return of a discredited establishment. They point out that he served under President Zine el-Abedine Ben Ali, who was ousted in 2011 after the Arab Spring revolution triggered uprisings across the region. Mr Essebsi was also in the cabinet of Tunisia's first post-independence leader, Habib Bourguiba. Earlier on Monday, police fired tear gas in the southern city of Hamma to disperse hundreds of demonstrators who burned tyres in protest at Mr Essebsi's victory. The results of the run-off vote were announced by the head of the electoral commission, Chafik Sarsar, who was visibly emotional. It is the first time Tunisians have been able to vote freely for their president since independence from France in 1956. Analysis: Naveena Kottoor in Tunis Chafik Sarsar - the head of the electoral authority - was visibly emotional and his voice broke several times as he announced the winner of Tunisia's first freely elected president. The former law professor has been under intense pressure to ensure the voting period runs smoothly. The man who will move into the presidential palace overlooking the bay of Tunis is 88-year-old Beji Caid Essebsi. The leader of the Nidaa Tounes, which has largest share of seats in the new parliament, has served under two autocratic presidents. Tunisians joke that he and his party represent the old regime, but with an injection of Botox. Mr Essebsi is politically savvy and pragmatic and has to be credited for agreeing to enter a dialogue last year with his arch-enemies, the moderate Islamist Ennahda party, to resolve a political crisis at the time. BBC

Guiné-Bissau: Depois dos 40 anos desfeitos

Decorridas quatro décadas sobre o reconhecimento da independência da Guiné-Bissau por Portugal, em 10 de Setembro de 1974, os seus cidadãos entram no ano de 2015 com a intenção, manifestada pelas autoridades, de que em Fevereiro se reúna em Bruxelas uma conferência internacional de doadores que constitua verdadeiro impulso para um recomeço. País imprevisível, de 1,6 milhões de habitantes, com um Produto Interno Bruto per capita de apenas 1439 dólares (menos de um quinto do angolano), a Guiné-Bissau, que tem uma superfície de 36.125 quilómetros quadrados, é particularmente conhecida desde o início do presente século pelo tráfico de narcóticos; e esta fama não lhe fica nada bem. Os seis meses que leva de governação o primeiro-ministro Domingos Simões Pereira, do PAIGC, significam algum progresso, no sentido de se determinarem as prioridades nacionais, depois do regresso à ordem constitucional, e de o Presidente José Mário Vaz ter tido a coragem de substituir o pernicioso Chefe do Estado-Maior General das Forças Armadas, general António Indjai. É preciso agora que se respeitem os princípios democráticos, tantas vezes violados desde os primeiros anos de uma independência que começou por ser proclamada unilateralmente e quando possivelmente ainda não existiriam com dições para ela. Como muito bem disse em Novembro o Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas, a consolidação da paz e da estabilidade, ainda tão frágeis na Guiné-Bissau, só poderá resultar de um processo consensual, do respeito constante pela ordem constitucional e das reformas, de há tanto adiadas, nos sectores da defesa, da segurança e da justiça. Há anos que se notam em solo guineense tanto a inexistência de um verdadeiro Estado de Direito como a falta de protecção dos direitos humanos, pelo que ainda não foi possível desenvolver a sociedade e a economia, combater a impunidade e acabar com o tráfico de drogas. Só o ano de 2015, agora prestes a começar, é que nos irá dizer se o Presidente e o Governo conseguem de facto garantir o efectivo controlo civil sobre as forças de defesa e de segurança, que sempre têm feito o que bem entendem, à revelia das mais altas instâncias definidas pela Constituição. Enquanto continuarem as violações e os abusos dos direitos humanos, sem que se proceda a inquéritos transparentes e credíveis, a Guiné-Bissau será sempre uma pobre terra abandonada num recanto da África Ocidental, vegetando à margem do progresso geral que o continente tem procurado alcançar desde que se verificaram as diversas descolonizações. Se colocassem os olhos em Cabo Verde, por exemplo, se se reaproximassem desse país, numa caminhada conjunta, como era o sonho de Amílcar Cabral, os guineenses seriam, enfim, capazes, de se libertar de um passado muito pesado e de começar a construir um país que por enquanto é ainda e só um projecto infelizmente adiado. O combate eficaz ao crime organizado e ao tráfico humano é essencial para que a Guiné-Bissau não surja aos olhos de muitos como a Gata Borralheira dos PALOP, a mais infeliz das nações africanas de língua oficial portuguesa. Os últimos seis meses não foram maus, quando comparados com muito do que no passado aconteceu; mas é preciso, necessário e urgente que os próximos 12 sejam ainda bem melhores. Formulamos ardentes votos de que assim seja._______________________________________ Jorge Heitor (escrito para o África Monitor, 19 de Dezembro de 2014)

Janira líder do PAICV

Janira Hopffer Almada é a nova líder do PAICV e quer unir o partido para “garantir a vitória nas próximas eleições”. A também ministra da Juventude, Emprego e Desenvolvimento dos Recursos Humanos disse, em entrevista à RFI, que será candidata a primeiro-ministro do país, apesar de ter apenas um ano para preparar o partido para as eleições gerais de 2016. Janira Hopffer Almada foi eleita este domingo, à primeira volta, presidente do Partido Africano da Independência de Cabo Verde. A ministra da Juventude, Emprego e Desenvolvimento dos Recursos Humanos sucede a José Maria Neves, que liderava o partido há quinze anos e que garantiu manter-se na chefia do governo até ao final da actual legislatura. “Naturalmente que sendo líder do PAICV serei candidata a primeiro-ministro do país. É nessa qualidade que farei, junto com os meus camaradas do partido, as propostas do PAICV para o povo de Cabo Verde”, disse. Aos 35 anos, a ministra da Juventude, Emprego e Desenvolvimento dos Recursos Humanos torna-se na quarta líder do partido desde 1981 e encara “o facto de ser mulher e de ser jovem como uma realidade que pode representar um potencial” desde que trabalhe “com afinco e com sacrifício” e em diálogo com todos para construir “as propostas que levarão seguramente o PAICV às vitórias em 2016”. Em 2016 há legislativas, presidenciais e autárquicas. Confrontada com o pouco tempo que lhe sobra para preparar o partido para as eleições, Janira Hopffer Almada considerou que se deve ter “uma perspectiva positiva”. Face à liderança consolidada de Ulisses Correia e Silva no MpD, a líder do PAICV defendeu que o seu partido “é um grande partido que marca a agenda do país” e destacou que as prioridades são “a nova agenda económica centrada no emprego, na recriação do sistema financeiro e da política económica e monetária e com um grande investimento na diplomacia económica”. Janira Hopffer Almada sublinhou, ainda, que não é altura de “pensar em remodelação” no governo e que “a prioridade é fortalecer o partido e garantir a vitória nas eleições de 2016”. RFI

Bush enfrenta Clinton em 2016?

Jeb Bush, son of George H. W. and brother of George W., announced on Tuesday that he was "actively exploring" the possibility of a presidential run in 2016. To many moderate Republicans, Mr Bush would be a smart choice: he has clout as a former governor of Florida, fantastic name recognition and a sufficiently centrist stance to steal votes from disaffected Democrats. Should Mr Bush eventually win the Republican nomination, his most likely opponent remains Hillary Clinton, wife of Bill and a former secretary of state. The prospect of another Clinton vs Bush race brings back echoes of 1994, when Bill comfortably defeated H. W.'s bid for a second term. It also suggests that the US is in the grip of the sort of dynastic politics more readily associated with South and East Asia. Other potential presidential candidates include Andrew Cuomo (the son of a governor of New York) and Rand Paul (whose father was a congressman). This is discouraging for the land of opportunity, but reflects an ongoing trend. The median net wealth of US legislators passed the US$1m-mark in 2012. It is becoming harder and harder to make a name in US politics without a personal fortune and family connections. Simon Baptist The Economist