A pesada herança de Salazar

Algumas pessoas descobriram agora que uma campanha eleitoral decente exigia que se fizesse a história não só do governo de Sócrates mas também do governo de Passos Coelho. Infelizmente, ninguém se lembrou ainda que a mais leve compreensão da “crise” tem de começar muito antes na “pesada herança” (verdadeiramente pesada) que nos legou Salazar. Além de uma guerra colonial em Angola, Moçambique e Guiné e de um exército monstruoso, tecnicamente atrasado, a sociedade que Salazar nos legou (fora meia dúzia de enclaves em Lisboa e no Porto) era uma sociedade arcaica. De resto, para a esmagadora maioria da população, não havia nada: não havia saneamento básico ou água corrente; não havia electricidade; não havia hospitais nem centros de saúde; não havia uma rede escolar decente; não havia qualquer espécie de segurança social; não havia estradas; não havia transportes; e, tirando a PIDE e a GNR, não havia polícia. Um milhão de portugueses vivia e trabalhava na Europa e a Europa acabou naturalmente por se tornar o modelo de sociedade que eles queriam ou com que sonhavam. O que implicava “desenvolver” o país, uma política maldita que Salazar sempre recusara por convicção ideológica e, a partir de 1961, por causa de África. Ora o “desenvolvimento” do país tinha de ser pago e suportado pelo Estado. O défice perene das contas portuguesas desde 1975 vem dessa necessidade imperativa. Mas, sem isso, não valia a pena pensar em democracia, como o próprio Cavaco percebeu. Claro que se cometeram erros sobre erros nessa esmagadora obra de “modernizar Portugal”; e claro que, fora a gente com competência técnica imediatamente indispensável, entrou de roldão no Estado uma turba de inúteis, que passou a comer à nossa custa. Mas, durante quase meio século, as coisas foram andando (com um sobressalto ou outro) sem nenhum desastre de maior. Só o “fenómeno Sócrates”, que não é simplesmente um efeito do indivíduo Sócrates, conseguiu arruinar o difícil equilíbrio que até ali nos sustentara. Em 2007-8, já geralmente se sentia uma certa impaciência com a situação do país, que não crescia e, apesar de incessantes promessas, não se “modernizava”. A “poesia” da qualificação, da ciência e da cultura – historicamente um péssimo sinal – reapareceu com estrondo; e a megalomania de Sócrates, com dinheiro emprestado, tentou fabricar a aparência de um “progresso” falso, mas vistoso. A bancarrota, claro, chegou depressa. O Portugal de 2015 precisa de pagar as dívidas. Só que as dívidas não são o ponto decisivo. O ponto decisivo é meter solidamente na cabeça que o caminho para a Europa pede muito esforço, alguma pobreza e, sobretudo, muitas reformas. Vasco Pulido Valente, no PÚBLICO

Moçambique está a saque

Quais as sequelas ambientais para as terras, para as águas subterrâneas, para as populações locais e para o frágil equilíbrio em que se encontra a paz em Moçambique? Estas são as perguntas que missionários e ativistas fazem perante o avanço do ProSavana, um mega-projeto desenvolvido ao abrigo de um acordo tripartido entre os governos de Moçambique, Brasil e Japão. Baseado na tecnologia de agricultura tropical desenvolvida no Brasil, o programa pretende aumentar a produção no corredor de Nacala, uma área de 10,2 milhões de hectares no centro e norte de Moçambique, com potencialidades agronómicas semelhantes às do cerrado, a savana brasileira. Segundo o governo moçambicano, o objetivo do projeto é promover «o desenvolvimento sustentável, integrado e inclusivo» e reconhecer «a importância do setor familiar e o papel que os pequenos e médios agricultores desempenham na região, no contexto da segurança alimentar do país». O programa está em discussão pública até quarta-feira, 29 de abril, mas são já muitas as vozes de alerta para os eventuais perigos da sua execução. Numa tomada de posição a que a FÁTIMA MISSIONÁRIA teve acesso, os missionários Combonianos de Itália e da Europa comparam o plano à chamada grilagem de terra – um processo ilícito de apropriação de terrenos públicos que se tornou muito popular no Brasil. «O governo de Maputo disse que este projeto servirá para os pequenos agricultores e para alimentar o povo, quando sabe muito bem que vai usar muito pouca mão de obra local, pois vão ser utilizados meios de alta tecnologia, e que o produto final será destinado exclusivamente à exportação», advertem os religiosos. Vanessa Cabanelas da organização não governamental Justiça Ambiental (JA), vai mais longe, ao comparar o plano diretor do programa com um plano de negócios: «O Prosavana não é solução para agricultura moçambicana. Este vai resolver o problema do Japão com a Soja e do Brasil com a terra», afirma a ativista. Segundos os dirigentes da JA, o corredor de Nacala «é a a região mais povoada do país, [com 4,5 milhões de habitantes], cuja terra fértil e chuva abundante faz com que milhões de camponeses trabalhem e produzam alimentos em abundância». E muitos podem ser expulsos, ao abrigo da fundamentação e propósitos do ProSavana. «Foi um programa hábil e convenientemente embrulhado numa elegante linguagem “verde” e tem sido apresentado aos moçambicanos e à comunidade internacional como um programa de “desenvolvimento agrícola sustentável”. No entanto, num projeto desta dimensão, em que se prevê ser necessário o reassentamento de comunidades, é preocupante perceber que estas pouco ou nada sabem do mesmo. É mais um programa desenhado e decidido ao mais elevado nível, sem qualquer envolvimento dos camponeses e comunidades locais», lamentam os ativistas. Francisco Pedro/Fátima Missionária

Bissau: A visita do rei de Marrocos

Sa Majesté le Roi Mohammed VI, que Dieu L'assiste, est arrivé jeudi après-midi à Bissau en provenance de Dakar, pour une visite officielle en République de Guinée Bissau, deuxième étape d'une tournée africaine qui conduira le Souverain en Côte d'Ivoire et au Gabon. A Sa descente d'avion à l'aéroport international Osvaldo Vieira de Bissau, S.M. le Roi a été accueilli par le président bissau-guinéen, Son Excellence M. José Mario Vaz. Les deux Chefs d'Etat ont par la suite gagné la tribune d'honneur pour saluer les couleurs nationales au son des hymnes nationaux des deux pays, avant de passer en revue un détachement d'honneur interarmées qui rendait les honneurs, alors qu'une salve de 21 coups de canon retentissait saluant l'arrivée du Souverain. S.M. le Roi a ensuite été salué par le Premier ministre bissau-guinéen, les membres du gouvernement, les officiers supérieurs de l'Etat-Major des armées, les membres du cabinet présidentiel, des chefs des missions diplomatiques accréditées à Bissau, les représentants des communautés religieuses et les chefs traditionnels. ADVERTISEMENTLe président bissau-guinéen a, par la suite, été salué par les membres de la délégation officielle accompagnant S.M. le Roi et composée, notamment, des conseillers du Souverain, MM. Fouad Ali El Himma et Yassir Zenagui. La délégation officielle marocaine comprend également le ministre des Affaires étrangères et de la coopération, M. Salaheddine Mezouar, le ministre des Habous et des affaires islamiques, M. Ahmed Toufiq, le ministre de l'Agriculture et de la pêche maritime, M. Aziz Akhannouch, le ministre de l'Equipement, du Transport et de la Logistique, M. Aziz Rabbah, le ministre de la Santé, M. El Houssaine Louardi, le ministre de l'Energie, des mines, de l'Eau et de l'Environnement, M. Abdelkader Aâmara, le ministre du Tourisme, M. Lahcen Haddad, la ministre de l'Artisanat, de l'Economie sociale et solidaire, Mme Fatema Marouane et plusieurs directeurs des établissements publics et semi-publics, ainsi que de hautes personnalités. Après une brève pause au Salon d'honneur de l'aéroport international Osvaldo Vieira, le cortège officiel s'est dirigé vers le Palais présidentiel au milieu des vivats et des ovations d'une foule nombreuse de citoyens bissau-guinéens venus acclamer le Souverain et Lui souhaiter la bienvenue. - See more at: http://www.lematin.ma/journal/2015/arrivee-de-sm-le-roi-a-bissau-pour-une-visite-officielle-en-republique-de-guinee-bissau/224929.html#sthash.dFOMFfmW.dpuf

O rei ficou instalado no Palácio da Independência, onde foi hasteada a bandeira do Reino de Marrocos.

Bissau: Visita de Mohammed VI

O rei Mohamed VI de Marrocos inicia hoje uma visita oficial de três dias à Guiné-Bissau, a convite do Presidente guineense, José Mário Vaz. Mohamed VI, que vem a Bissau acompanhado por uma delegação de 500 pessoas, irá assinar cerca de 20 acordos de cooperação nas áreas da educação, saúde, comércio, turismo, pesca e sector privado. O monarca marroquino vai ficar instalado no palácio da República guineense, no centro de Bissau, cujos aposentos foram desocupados por estes dias pelo chefe de Estado da Guiné-Bissau. José Mário Vaz mudou-se para a residência de hóspedes, na chamada Casa da Pedra na antiga presidência. Em preparação da visita do rei dezenas de elementos marroquinos, do corpo de segurança, jornalistas e uma equipa medica, encontram-se desde há dias em Bissau, instalados em tendas gigantes nas traseiras da mesquita central da capital guineense. A equipa médica marroquina começou na segunda-feira a dar consultas gratuitas a cidadãos guineenses. A visita de Mohamed VI estava inicialmente prevista para ter início quarta-feira, mas foi adiada 24 horas por razões de agenda do monarca marroquino, segundo disse à Lusa o porta-voz da Presidência guineense, Fernando Mendonça. No essencial, todo o programa de visita será mantido, devendo o soberano marroquino ser condecorado pelo Presidente guineense com a mais alta distinção do Estado da Guiné-Bissau: a medalha Amílcar Cabral. Lusa

Apoio aos Rohingya

An agreement on May 20th between the governments of Indonesia and Malaysia granting temporary asylum to thousands of Rohingya Muslims fleeing persecution in Myanmar, averts, for now, a humanitarian disaster on the high seas. It was also a welcome sign of regional co-operation at a time when climate change and religious intolerance threaten to displace millions of Asia's most vulnerable. However, it is unlikely to herald a sea-change in attitude, given a preference among regional governments for not interfering in each other's affairs. The agreement followed a meeting between the foreign ministers of Indonesia, Malaysia and Thailand in the Malaysian capital, Kuala Lumpur, to discuss how to respond to the crisis. In comments to the media, Malaysia's foreign minister, Anifah Zahid Aman, said that Malaysia and Indonesia would provide temporary asylum for upwards of 7,000 refugees, comprising Rohingya as well as economic migrants from Bangladesh, thought to be stranded on the Andaman Sea. Indonesia's vice-president, Jusuf Kalla, said that his country would take in refugees for up to a year, assuming that the rest of the world pitches in to help with resettlement or repatriation. Promises of financial assistance have since followed from the US and UN agencies. Poor, sickly and isolated The agreement represents a temporary solution to a problem that shows few signs of going away. Some 1.2m Rohingya, a Muslim minority, are thought still to be in Myanmar's southern states of Rakhine and Arakan, where they suffer from persecution by local Buddhist nationalists eager to drive them out. More than 100,000 are thought to have fled since 2012. Their exodus would amount to the biggest humanitarian crisis facing the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) since the end of the Vietnam war. Then, roughly 1m refugees fled the country and poured onto boats in the South China Sea. In the decades since then, attitudes towards immigration have hardened considerably. Rich countries closely aligned to the US took in Vietnamese by the thousands. But no country has expressed interest in taking in Rohingya. This is because the Rohingya are among some of the world's most oppressed people. Poor, sickly and isolated in camps in Myanmar and Bangladesh, they receive little education or healthcare. Their prospects for a speedy assimilation into different societies are slim. Against this backdrop, it is all the more commendable that Indonesia and Malaysia, which are not signatories to all the Geneva Convention protocols, have stepped up at all. Both countries, alongside Thailand, have long looked the other way as Rohingya filtered via sea and land to melt into their Muslim populations and work as cheap labour. Governments had every incentive to maintain a hard line on refugees. Indeed, patrol boats from Indonesia, Malaysia and Thailand routinely nudged craft with Rohingya migrants back out to sea with packets of instant noodles, water and cursory training on how to navigate their flimsy vessels, to which their smugglers had long abandoned them. Policy shift The shift in policy signalled by the agreement reflects, in part, a surprising outpouring of sympathy among coastal populations. Some 1,300 Rohingya refugees are thought to have been rescued by fishermen from the Indonesian provinces of Aceh and North Sumatra, according to the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR). Images of bewildered migrants sheltering in local mosques have flooded national television and local Islamic political parties have demanded a response from the government. The sudden onslaught of refugees provides an opportunity, too, for Indonesia to improve its recently battered international image. Since assuming office in October 2014, the administration led by the president, Joko Widodo (known as Jokowi), has sunk scores of what it says are illegal foreign fishing boats caught operating in its waters. In late April firing squads put to death eight drug felons, seven of them foreign nationals, prompting international condemnation. The stance taken over the migrants allows the government to recapture some of the moral high ground. Australia has said that it will not offer to resettle any of the migrants, although the US has indicated that it will consider doing so. To interfere or not The crisis has exposed anew the limitations of ASEAN, which at the end of 2015 will begin dropping tariffs and barriers on goods and services to create the single-market ASEAN Economic Community. Populated with communist, military and otherwise authoritarian regimes, ASEAN members have been reluctant to point the finger at Myanmar for its failure to prevent the persecution of Rohingya, given the halting steps the country has made towards representational democracy. The plight of the Rohingya was left off the agenda of the 2014 ASEAN Summit, which was held in Myanmar. The failure to pressurise the Burmese government into action has arguably stirred up a bigger crisis, which is now spilling out over Myanmar's borders. There will be calls to soften the principle of non-interference that has long guided ASEAN, given the possible costs of inaction. An adviser to Mr Kalla has publicly criticised the stance of Myanmar's government on the issue. The need to co-ordinate more effectively is all the more pressing given the probability of future migrant crises. Ecology is a potential flashpoint. Delta populations face displacement in the event of extreme flooding brought on by climate change. Of the more than 20m displaced people in each of the last few years, 80% were in Asia, the UNHCR has said. A joint approach would be the best way to respond to these challenges, even though this might necessitate some incursion on issues traditionally regarded as matters of national sovereignty. An ASEAN meeting on May 29th in Thailand's capital, Bangkok, will offer some clues as to whether the recent crisis will prompt member states to adopt a bold, co-ordinated approach. However, such hopes may not be realised. Malaysia and Indonesia have stressed that their offer of asylum is a temporary one, while Thailand has refused to go beyond a commitment not to push migrant vessels outside its territorial waters. Moreover, non-interference remains a foundational principal for ASEAN, where nationalism runs deep. Many governments in the region grapple with their own internal political, religious and social problems, and would be reluctant to set a precedent by chastising Myanmar. ASEAN may be integrating economically, but the notion of a regional political community is an idea whose time has not yet come.

Jorge Sampaio, neto de uma judia

By MICHAEL FREUND With its marble floors, ornate furniture, and rare artwork, Lisbon’s Belem Palace could easily compete with some of Europe’s finest museums. Although not a cultural institution per se, the palace does serve a central function in the life of Portugal: It is home to the president of the republic, Dr. Jorge Sampaio. Sampaio has served as president since 1996, having been re-elected to a second five-year term in 2001. Unlike in Israel, the presidency in Portugal is more than just a ceremonial post. He is commander-in-chief of the armed forces, and has the power to dissolve parliament and call for national elections. Sampaio would have little difficulty being counted for a minyan: His maternal grandmother was from a Moroccan Jewish family. His cousin is president of the Lisbon Jewish community, and Sampaio has several distant relatives living in Israel. In an interview with The Jerusalem Post, Sampaio discussed the rising tide of European anti-Semitism, Portuguese-Israeli relations, and his Jewish ancestry. Mr. President, anti-Semitism is on the rise across Europe. Why does much of the continent seem unable to cure itself of this prejudice? I have constantly denounced all forms of discrimination and xenophobia, be it of religious, ethnic, cultural, sexual, or any other nature. I obviously condemn any form of anti-Semitism…. The resurgence of anti-Semitism in Europe is a fact – although it is not a pattern – and must also be seen in the framework of the resurgence of other forms of xenophobia and racial hatred. These manifestations do exist and we must fight all of them with the same energy, attacking their causes, and prosecuting those that sow hatred and violence. Anti-Israel and anti-Zionist sentiments in Europe often seem to be a cover for expressing anti-Semitic feelings under the guise of political opposition to Israeli policies. Why is Europe so critical of Israel? Is anti-Semitism a factor? I believe that we must be careful with our assertions. I am ready to admit that some criticism of Israel might have some anti-Semitic motivations. But I absolutely reject that all criticism of Israeli policies has such motivations. In fact, many people who criticize such policies have the security of Israel and the well-being of the Israeli people at the core of their motivations, I for one. I do believe that Europe’s position has strived to be fair and balanced, even if, sometimes, we have not managed to make our position sufficiently clear. The Portuguese Embassy in Israel sits in Tel Aviv, even though Jerusalem is Israel’s capital. Why won’t Portugal recognize Israel’s sovereign right to determine its own capital? I know how important and sensitive this issue is for Israelis and most Jews. You know the historical context of this situation. We are bound in this matter by the collective decisions of the European Union. But I also want to tell you that my sincere wish would be for our embassy to move to Jerusalem as soon as possible, for that would mean that peace would finally be at hand. Portugal was once home to a thriving Jewish community, which was cruelly persecuted and forced to convert in 1497. Has Portugal come to terms with what was done to the Jewish people on its soil? We have come to terms with our own history, with its more brilliant and with its more shady aspects. The difference now is that all periods of our history are being studied and that we have today a much better knowledge of them. The ceremonies which took place on the 500th anniversary of the Decree of Expulsion, over which I presided with the then- speaker of the Knesset are proof of all this. Five centuries ago, the Catholic Church and the Portuguese monarchy confiscated Jewish property, including synagogues and other communal structures. Shouldn’t they be returned to the Jewish people as an act of historical justice? We cannot rewrite or relive history. We cannot go back centuries. We cannot today, after 500 years, redress a situation in material terms. I think we have redressed it in an historical perspective, and I think that all Portuguese, including Portuguese citizens that are Jewish, feel comfortable about it. A growing number of Portuguese descendants of Jews who were forcibly converted to Catholicism during the Inquisition have recently begun to return to Judaism. What do you think of this phenomenon? We are proud of our history and of our humanistic values, of the multicultural fabric of our society. If people adopt or return to Judaism, it is entirely a personal issue that enriches our cultural dynamics. I understand that you have Jewish ancestry in your family. What is your personal connection to the Jewish people? Do you consider yourself to be a Jew? My grandmother belonged to a Jewish family that came from Morocco in the beginning of the 19th century. She married a non-Jewish naval officer who later was Foreign Affairs minister. I am naturally very proud of this ancestry and of all those that I call my “favorite Jewish cousins,” one of whom is the president of the Lisbon Jewish Community, as I am proud of the ancestry on my non-Jewish father’s side. Personally, I am agnostic, and I do not consider myself a Jew; but I am proud, as I said, of my ancestors. Has your Jewish background ever been an issue for you in politics? The answer is no. Portugal, as I have said, is a democratic lay state. Issues of religion, culture, or race are not and should not be an issue in the political arena. You visited Israel twice as mayor of Lisbon, but have yet to do so as the president of Portugal. Do you have any plans to visit Israel soon? I would very much like to visit Israel again. I have very strong and enriching memories of my previous two visits. I follow closely developments in your country and in the region. The present situation saddens me very much indeed. And my sincere hope is that, amid all the present difficulties, Israelis and Palestinians can find a way by which to build peace and to end this tragedy and all the suffering it has entailed for both peoples.

2003

O comércio mundial de armas ligeiras

The Small Arms Survey 2015: Weapons and the World will be launched on 1 June 2015 at the United Nations in New York. The Small Arms Survey 2015 examines the role of weapons and armed violence in humanity’s appropriation of the earth’s wildlife and mineral riches—in Africa, where the poaching of elephants and rhinos is becoming increasingly militarized, and near resource extraction sites around the world. In addition to presenting updates on the UN small arms process and the top arms importers and exporters, the volume assesses how recent technological developments affect weapons marking, record-keeping, and tracing, reviews small arms flows to Egypt, Libya, and Syria before and after the ‘Arab Spring’, and evaluates a stockpile management initiative in South-east Europe. The ‘armed actors’ section sheds light on the arms and ammunition used by insurgents in northern Mali, the decline of the Forces Démocratiques de Libération du Rwanda, and the use of floating armouries by private security companies in the Indian Ocean. This edition also analyses the conditions that are driving young people to adopt high-risk coping strategies in Burundi.