O Iémen é uma das apostas da China

With much to gain from a growing presence in the Middle East, Beijing is making an all-out effort to strengthen its foothold there, including the most volatile countries of the region. Although not widely reported, China-Yemen relations exemplify this trend. China’s diplomatic ties with Yemen, a country that ousted its leader Ali Abdullah Saleh in 2012 during the Arab Spring, started in September 24, 1956. Despite an ongoing al Qaeda-linked insurgency, widespread poverty, and severe water shortages, the relationship between the two countries has grown rapidly over the past years. The oil business has unquestionably been the primary axis around which Beijing-Sana’a relations revolve. Although Yemen has fewer petroleum resources than its neighbors, China’s growing energy needs are raising the profile and importance of all petroleum producers, including marginal producers such as Yemen. This is perhaps the main reason Chinese companies continue to expand their operations in Yemen, in spite of growing insecurity and other issues facing the country. Over the past few years, there have been several oil exploration and production agreements between the two countries. Since 2005, Chinese state owned enterprise Sinopec Corp has been operating in Yemen’s exploration and production sectors. Today, along with another Chinese company Sinochem Corp, Sinopec has a combined equity production of approximately 20,000 barrels per day, eight percent of Yemen’s total production. For the Chinese, Yemen offers a way to access untapped consumer markets for its exports, as well as lucrative investments. The government in Beijing has been encouraging Chinese companies to start investing in Yemen. Chinese telecommunications giant Huawei has been operating in Yemen since 1999. The two countries have also established several cooperative projects, such as the Chinese-Yemeni steel company Star. Interestingly, China’s economic footprint in Yemen is most pronounced in the development and construction sectors. Historically, China was one of the earliest foreign countries to participate in Yemen’s development projects. As early as the 1950s, Beijing took part in the construction of a 266 km road between Sana’a and Hodeidah. This involvement has continued, and in 2012 China National Corporation for Overseas Economic Cooperation (CCOEC) agreed to develop three natural gas-fired power plants in the country. In addition, China recently agreed to help build four 5,000 megawatt power plants using coal and diesel in the cities of Belhaf and Ma’abar. According to the agreement, the Chinese were also responsible for the installation of power cables and Safeer-Ma’abar gas pipeline. Last year, Beijing was also selected in a $508 million project to expand two container ports in Aden and Mokha, in which China reportedly agreed to also provide a soft loan to finance the projects. To strengthen its foothold, the Chinese have also been generous in other offers to their Yemeni counterparts. In 2009 for instance, China provided relief aid of 5 million yuan to displaced Yemenis who fled the fighting between the government army and Houthi rebels in Saada province. The government in Beijing also donated $5 million in medical supplies to the Yemeni-Chinese Friendship Hospital, a collaborative project that was initiated before the regime change in 2012. Besides an earlier deal to allocate 50 million yuan to promote its economic and technical partnership with Yemen, late last year China also decided to offer a $8 million grant to Yemen’s defense ministry, along with a $16.4 million general purpose grant, and a $30 million long-term interest-free loan. There are other factors besides the economy and energy which led to China’s growing interests in Yemen. For Beijing, Yemen’s strategic position provides it with an opportunity to implement one of its larger ambitions: to project power in the Horn of Africa. Beijing’s growing connection with Khartoum and Nairobi are a crucial part of this strategy. Meanwhile, as Chris Zambelis argued, Yemen’s position on the southwestern side of the Arabian Peninsula, and near the Suez Canal, appeals to politicians and policymakers in Beijing. As is manifest by the Chinese presence in the Panama Canal and Egypt’s Suez Canal, “the Chinese place a premium on strengthening footholds in or near strategic communication and commercial chokepoints across the world. Yemen’s position fits this larger pattern of Chinese strategic thinking.” Taking into consideration these factors, Yemen will remain an important partner for China in the coming years. At a time in which the West has been reluctant to develop ties with this vulnerable nation, Beijing will continue to harness the momentum of bilateral relations to bolster its position in the region. This direction was signaled by Xi Jinping during Yemeni President Abd-Rabbu Mansour Hadi’s diplomatic visit to Beijing last year, in which the two leaders vowed to take their ties to a new level. Both countries’ military leaders have also stated that this relationship might expand into military cooperation. Muhammad Zulfikar Rakhmat, that has lived in the Middle East for seven years. He holds a B.A. in International Affairs from Qatar University and is currently a research assistant at the same university.

São Tomé e Príncipe na mira da China

GUSTAVO PLÁCIDO DOS SANTOS Portuguese Institute of International Relations and Security (IPRIS) 24 NOVEMBER 2015 China is set to make its first direct infrastructure invest-ment in São Tomé e Príncipe. The memorandum of un-derstanding, signed in October 2015 with Chinese state-company China Harbour Engineering Company (CHEC), concerns the construction and concession of a deep-water port endowed with world-class infrastructures, so as to serve logistical needs in the Gulf of Guinea. The project, which is expected to be completed in 2019, has an estimated cost of $800 million, with the CHEC con-tributing $120 million. 1 The port has the potential to transform São Tomé e Prínci-pe into a transshipment hub for large vessels, enabling the small archipelago to serve regional economies. This is all the more relevant when considering that neither West Africa nor the Gulf of Guinea have a natural hub. Most vessels use ports in South Africa, Morocco or Spain to serve the region.Notwithstanding, some countries in West Africa have been developing plans toward becoming regional hubs. 2 These countries’ potential are, however, limited, since they are located in a region plagued by political instabil-ity and maritime insecurity. 3 Due to São Tomé e Príncipe’s geographic location, relative small number of pirate attacks within its territorial waters, and political stability, the small country fulfills, at least in theory, the condi-tions to take on such a role. A win-win situation The deep-water port will allow São Tomé e Príncipe to diversify its sources of revenue beyond cocoa and cof-fee — which make up more than 80% of total exports. 4 In fact, Prime Minister Patrice Trovoada has been insist-ing on the need to reorient the country’s economy toward trade, emulating the Dubai model. In other words, to transform the country into “a platform, offering services to our neighboring countries”. 5 On the other hand, this new infrastructure will enable the country’s government to abandon or lessen the focus on the potential of oil ex-ploration, which is the still uncertain.In addition, the country’s geographical position is also con-ducive to turn the small archipelago into a monitoring and surveillance advanced post right at the heart of the Gulf of Guinea, hence contributing for maritime security in an area that is key for global trade and energy security, and com-prised of countries with high levels of economic growth — the region has been growing at an average annual rate of 7%.Having said this, if the potential benefits for São Tomé e Príncipe are evident, what can China gain from investing in the port?São Tomé e Príncipe is one of the three African countries, and one of the 22 globally, to diplomatically recognize Taiwan, and in April 2015 both governments deepened cooperation ties. 6 Beijing, for its part, regards the Taiwanese government as illegitimate and admits retaking the territory by force if necessary. On the global stage, the Chinese and Taiwanese government have been en-gaged in a “diplomatic war”, i.e. seeking to isolate one another internationally. After the establishment of diplomatic relations between São Tomé e Príncipe and Taiwan, in 1997, Beijing im-mediately cut all ties with the archipelago. It was only in 2014, 16 years later, that those ties were resumed. Thus, considering the historical tensions between China and Taiwan, why did Beijing decide to deepen ties with São Tomé e Príncipe?As a global power, China acknowledges the need to foment good and friendly relations in the international stage, not only to extract economic benefits, but also to widen its base of politico-diplomatic support, protect strategic interests and project influence. This is a necessary approach, especially when considering that the African continent has been in-creasingly attracting the attention of major world powers, as exemplified by the EUA-Africa Summit, in 2014, and the third India-Africa Summit, in October 2015. São Tomé e Príncipe’s government officials were present in both events. Africa and China’s grand plan The expansion of Chinese interests in São Tomé e Prín-cipe is also relevant in terms of one of Beijing’s great goals: to establish the “Silk Road Economic Belt” and the “Maritime Silk Road”, jointly known as the “One Belt, One Road” initiative — introduced in 2013 by Chinese Presi-dent Xi Jinping. The initiative envisages the creation of an economic zone connecting China to the Persian Gulf and the Mediterranean Sea, and including Central and East Asia. This area would include many developing coun-tries, a combined population of 4.4 billion and a GPD of $2.2 billion. 7 As a matter of fact, China has already been acting toward putting that plan into action, as shown by the multitude of infrastructure development and financ-ing projects across the globe.Although there are no official signs that the initiative in-cludes the African continent, the vast numbers of Chi-nese investments in African infrastructures — namely of logistical nature, such as roads, ports, airports and railways — suggest that it is already an integral part of Beijing’s grand plan. This possibility was boosted in January 2015, when a memorandum of understanding was signed between Beijing and the African Union (AU), in which Chinese authorities expressed their commit-ment to develop logistical and industrial infrastructures across the continent. 8 East Africa, and Kenya in particular, has been at the forefront of China’s offensive in the continent. In fact, Kenya’s coastal region is represented in a Maritime Silk Road map designed by Xinhua News Agency, 9 and the country is being targeted with massive infrastructure investments by Chinese companies, particularly ports, airports and railway networks, connecting Kenyan ports to neighboring countries. 10 Africa’s inclusion in this equation and the levels of in-frastructure investment across the continent will open new markets for Chinese exports, secure new contracts for national companies and, through the relocation of industries, work toward countering the effects of rising labor costs. On the other hand, the resulting facilitation of the flow of raw materials will feed the Chinese indus-try, something that is key to satisfy its economic growth needs. Also worth noting is the abundance of largely un-tapped lands in Africa and its potential to supply the Chi-nese market with much needed agricultural goods.In sum, all of this will boost China’s economic growth and boost job creation, in turn ensuring socioeconomic stability.Infrastructure investments in Africa’s Atlantic coast also places this region within the context of the “One Belt, One Road” initiative. Beijing has been actively contributing to the development of ports in the region — such as in Cam-eroon, Gabon, Ghana and Senegal — and recently con-cluded the railway connecting the Atlantic coast of Angola — the port of Lobito — to the border with the Democratic Republic of Congo, which will subsequently link with the Angola- Zambia and Tanzania-Zambia railway lines. Ac-cording to the Chinese company behind the construction of the track section in Angola, this network is part of a wider project aimed at connecting the Atlantic to the In-dian Ocean. 11 São Tomé e Príncipe emerges in this context as a tran-sit point for maritime trade between the Atlantic, Africa and the India Ocean. This transcontinental link is part of Beijing’s plan to direct flows of hydrocarbons, minerals and other African natural resources to transshipment hubs in the Indian Ocean, from where they will be directly shipped to China. More than economic interests China’s rising economic power coincided with an increas-ingly assertive foreign policy, according to which Beijing wants to build a new world order and stand on an equal footing with the United States. This means that China is willing to project power and influence across the globe, something that has gained new impetus with President Barack Obama’s Pivot to Asia. Beijing regards this incursion by the United States in its sphere of influence as unacceptable, thus driving China to project its power in areas of the globe where American influ-ence is traditionally dominant, such as in the South Atlantic and the Gulf of Guinea. Moreover, the Asia Pivot and the end of the United States energy dependency culminated in Wash-ington shifting its attention away from the South Atlantic and the Gulf of Guinea in particular, opening a window of oppor-tunity for Beijing to expand its interests in the region and take another step toward consolidating its global power status. However, to sustain its assertion on the international scene and counter American power, Beijing needs to secure stable sources of supply of large quantities of hydrocarbons and other resources, like minerals and agricultural goods. This implies establishing a strong presence in resource-rich regions, such as the Africa continent. It is not surprising, then, that Beijing’s grow-ing interest in Africa has coincided with large oil discov-eries in the continent, particularly in the Gulf of Guinea. China’s offensive in the Gulf of Guinea, however, is not solely driven by the abundance of natural resources. Beijing recognizes the need to ensure security and sta-bility along the maritime trade routes of a region where it has been deepening and expanding its economic and political presence. This presence also brings with it the mobilization of Chinese nationals, forcing Beijing to act toward ensuring their security — the frequency of at-tacks involving Chinese nationals in the Gulf of Guinea has increased over the last five years. 12 That being said, although the Maritime Silk Road has, in its essence, an economic nature, obvious strategic im-plications arise. The need to secure and protect its in-terests inevitably embeds a security dimension in the Maritime Silk Road. With this in mind, Beijing has been developing a chain of ports, intelligence centers and ob-servation posts, as well as increasing its participation in anti-piracy operations, and the number and frequency of military exercises in the Indian Ocean. 13 The securitization of Beijing’s interests China has been making use of its economic and financial power to exert influence. One of Beijing’s strategies con-sists on relaxing loan conditions in exchange for control 12 Hang Zhou and Katharina Seibel, “Maritime Insecurity in the Gulf of Guinea: A Greater Role for China?” ( The Jamestown Foundation , 9 January 2015).13 Shannon Tiezzi, “The Maritime Silk Road Vs. The String of Pearls” ( The Diplomat , 13 February 2014). (or access privileges) over certain foreign ports that were financed or developed by Chinese companies. As a result, Beijing adds a security element to those infrastructures. Such was the case with Sri Lanka’s commercial port. In addition, in November 2014, a Chinese nuclear subma-rine docked in Colombo’s commercial port and not in the military one, suggesting that ports operated by Chinese companies are likely to have a dual use: civil and military. A similar situation happened with a port in the Maldives. 14 Taking into account the Chinese investment and financ-ing surge in Africa, it would not be surprising if Beijing decides to use its economic and financial power in vari-ous ways so as to ensure civil and military access to ports in the African continent.As a matter of fact, Beijing has already used such an ap-proach in Djibouti, one of the major strategic hubs in Af-rica and host to military bases from the United States, Japan, France and Germany. China is currently investing $9.8 billion in several infrastructure projects in Djibouti, amounting to six times the national GDP. The deepening of Chinese influence in the country motivated the switch of the Djibouti’s port operating contract from a Dubai-based company to a Chinese one. Moreover, in May 2015, President Ismail Omar Guelleh said he was in talks with Beijing over the installation of a Chinese military base in Obock, Djibouti’s northern port city, something which was not confirmed by Chinese authorities. 15 Nonetheless, such a possibility must not be disregarded. In November 2014, The Namibian Times reported that Beijing was considering setting up a naval base in Namibia’s Walvis Bay. The newspaper adds that this would be one of a total of 18 bases to be built in several parts of the world, for replenishment, berthing and maintenance purposes. Apart from Asia and the Middle East, these plans include bases in Africa. Notwithstanding the fact that these al-legations were denied by China’s Defense Ministry and Navy, the latter did not rule out the establishment of Over-seas Strategic Support Bases. In turn, Namibia’s Minis-try of Defense spokesperson, Lieutenant Colonel Monica Sheya, confirmed to The Namibian Times that talks over the installation of a naval base had taken place. 16 Regardless of Beijing’s line of action in the Gulf of Guinea — naval bases or military access — the goal will always be to ensure the expansion of interests, project power and establish a greater presence in the South Atlantic. That is a logical step, warranted by Beijing’s intention to assert itself in the international arena and by the need to protect its expanding interests at the global level.

Washington quer ou não combater o Daesh?

The United States is trying to create the “illusion” that it is waging a genuine fight against the Daesh (ISIL) terrorist group in Syria, an American analyst says. “The United States is trying to perpetuate this image that she really has been trying to deal with the Syrian situation with ISIS (ISIL),” said Mark Glenn, co-founder of the Crescent and Cross Solidarity Movement. The administration of US President Barack Obama is urging Turkey to deploy thousands of additional troops along its border with Syria to block the movement of ISIL terrorists. Pentagon officials have estimated that as many as 30,000 soldiers are needed to cordon off a stretch of 60-mile (100 km) frontier, the Wall Street Journal reported on Friday. US officials say the border includes key transit routes that Daesh uses to move militants in and out of the war zone and into Europe. “In order to maintain this illusion that the United States has been an honest player in all of this, she’s making these noises, telling the Turks that they have to strengthen their border with additional men and material in order to prevent these terrorists from crossing back and forth,” Glenn said in an interview with Press TV on Wednesday. The proposed deployment of Turkish forces could be a US project to prepare Turkey to invade Syria and undermine the Russian military campaign against terrorist groups fighting the Syrian government, Glenn noted. Russia has been conducting airstrikes on Daesh positions at the request of the Syrian government since September 30. The proposed deployment by the US follows the terrorist attacks in Paris on November 13, which ISIL claimed responsibility for. Obama recently ordered the deployment of dozens of Special Operations troops to Syria to "assist" militants operating on the ground. Press TV

Daesh, Movimento de Destruição

Attention! O Islamic World, be warned against the Movement of Destruction! In these times the movement of Daesh has become a great challenge and grave danger to the countries of the Middle East, in particular Saudi Arabia. Their danger is not restricted just to the Arab World, but extends to all countries and peoples. This movement is only concerned with the destruction of historical monuments and of the Islamic landscape, as is witnessed in the lands of Iraq and Syria. They have transgressed in this matter and treat Muslims as non-believing hostile combatants, as though they are enemies-at-war and their lands hostile territories. They, and those who imitate them independently, don’t talk of defending the Palestinians by aiding vulnerable women, children and others who have no strength nor weaponry. They are constantly subjected to brutal hardships and continue to severely suffer from the attacks of their neighboring Zionist country, who are coercively and falsely called Israel. Is this not clear evidence that they are agents of Colonialism adverse to Islam and Muslims? And that they are mercenaries for the United States and its allies? Their savagery has led to their misconceived methods and insolent manners in safeguarding Islamic obligations towards those under protection. This Islam, calls for peace and security for the one given protection by a single Muslim. The Prophet, peace and blessings be upon him, said: “The lives of Muslims are on parity with each other, the protection of their weakest suffices, and they are allied against others”. These, and those who think they are acting on the Qur’an and Sunnah, subject those in protection to murder and captivity. They even murdered a group of Christian workers from Egypt and held in captivity another. This is the clearest of proofs that this movement is a terrorist movement, who falsify the religion, misrepresent tenants of Islam and avert from the religion. It is a duty on every Muslim to disown them, and it is a duty upon the powers in every nation to halt them and repel their evil by all means. In conclusion to this statement, it is worth me noting that this movement, in its thought and profile, stems from the Khawarij who disappeared in the past and they are the forefathers for those who followed later. They are numerous groups with a multiplicity of names. Amongst them are: the Brotherhood, the financiers of terrorist movements in the Middle East; the Taliban, supporters of terrorism and perpetrators of trouble in various cities across Pakistan; the Jamaat-e-Islami, known throughout the Subcontinent as the Jama’at Mawdudi; and from amongst them are those who call themselves Deobandi and Tablighi, their movements adhere to falsehood and they invite to falseness in India and Pakistan. All of these, with all their factions and beguiling veiled names, unify on one thing which is their claim to be true Muslims and whosoever opposes their doctrine is a mushrik, or polytheist. For this reason they permit the widespread murder of the common Muslims of the Ahlus-Sunnah wa al-Jama’ah, and the plundering and pillage of their wealth. They adopt various modes to cause distress to living Muslims, and those that have past; in fact they are the worst in dishonoring the deceased. For this reason they raze graves, demolish monuments and domes, and reduce them to ruins. They have many evil statutes, which even include that should they arrive at the Green Dome they will do to it what they have done to the resting places of Companions, the pure Ahl-ul-Bayt and common Muslims. May Allah dash their hopes and foil their plans. Hatred has been uttered from their mouths, enmity for Islam itself is visible on their faces, and their hearts conceal far worse! May Allah protect us, and all Muslims from those who wrong and behave tyrannically. — Mufti Muhammad Akhtar Raza al-Qadri al-Azhari, Bareily, India.

António Costa enaltecido no Times of India

High drama as history and made in Lisbon this week as the Socialist Party's Antonio Costa has become Prime Minister of Portugal. The son of ferociously anti-colonial Goan writer Orlando da Costa (whose classic novel 'O Signo da Ira' is set in the Margao neighbourhoods he grew up in) fought his way to the top job in highly unconventional fashion. Earlier this month, his coalition with the Green, Communist and Left Block parties brought down the brand new minority conservative government in a stunning parliamentary vote after it had been in office for just 11 days. Now the shortest-lived administration in Portuguese history will be replaced by the first-ever leftist alliance that has ever come together in the four decades since the country transitioned to democracy. Costa faces considerable challenges. The conservative establishment of Portugal - led by the President Anibal Cavaco Silva - tried mightily to keep him out of power, straining the country's relatively young democratic processes in the bargain. The new Goan-origin Prime Minister himself admits the struggle was akin to "tearing down the last remains of a Berlin wall." Meanwhile, his opponents are adamant about portraying his leadership as illegitimate. The former Finance Minister, Manuela Ferreira Leite went so far as to call it "'A true coup d'etat." Meanwhile, there is even more heartburn in the rich countries of Europe, especially Germany, which is the engine behind the dreaded triumvirate of the European Commission, European Central Bank, and International Monetary Fund that has wreaked havoc in the name of austerity debt-repayment programmes in Southern Europe. Portugal is just emerging from four very bad years of punishing tax hikes and painful cuts in social and public spending. While Costa has pledged to honour his country's financial commitments, he also promised to "turn the page on austerity." That has made him public enemy number one to the 'troika'. The bankers (and their political masters) fear that Costa's calm leadership will prove a wrecking-ball for the policy agenda that is being imposed on several countries simultaneously - Greece, Ireland, Spain and Italy are all reeling from some variant of austerity policies, and similar rhetoric was deployed in recent UK elections. But what the record shows is austerity has spectacularly failed, and in fact set back the countries where it was imposed by decades. Nobel Prize winning economists like Paul Krugman have repeatedly pointed out "the cure is much worse than the disease." Costa has been forced to declare that the hysterical accusations about his economic agenda are "fantasies." In fact, the 54-year-old is a classic, pragmatic moderate, as has been proven over decades of a highly constructive political career that has seen him hold successively higher offices. Quite soon after entering politics in the 1990's, he became Portugal's Minister for Parliamentary Affairs, then was promoted to Justice Minister. Later he headed the Socialist Party list for the 2004 European elections, and was elected Vice-President of the European Parliament. In 2007, Costa made a flamboyant gamble by resigning all his high offices and making a bid for the office of Lord Mayor of Lisbon, then the troubled centrepiece of a sprawling urban agglomeration which houses around 30% of the country's population. Immediately after winning, he made bold gestures that earned lasting respect and loyalty. First he moved his offices to the crime, drug and prostitution-infested neighbourhood of Mouraria, which became centrepiece of an urban renewal project that has steadily remade Lisbon into the safest, cleanest and greenest capital city of Europe. Perhaps inevitably, the Mayor who is still known by the Konkani nickname 'Babush' to his family began to be called 'Gandhi' by his constituents. Costa's rise to the top of the Socialist Party, and now to Prime Minister of Portugal, has been a case study of methodical, meticulous strategy implemented step-by-step, and with an extraordinary cool head. That quality of supreme calm - a most renowned characteristic of the Goans - will be most valuable to him if the coming maelstrom of challenges is to be survived and overcome. After all, no politician in recent memory has assumed power in a democracy burdened by so many caveats, as well as barely concealed threats. The new Prime Minister of Portugal had to give the President a set of written guarantees about the economy. He has had to simultaneously assure the European Union that he would keep his country's commitments, and keep on board far-left allies who have been against the European Union from inception. All the while, he has kept insisting that he would govern with "a socialist programme" that allows for "a sustainable reduction in deficts and debt." He wants to raise the minimum wage, lift the current freeze on pensions, and cancel pay cuts for civil servants that are due next year. It is an improbable, almost incredible agenda. But the mere fact that Antonio Costa, a grandson of Margao who was born in the year of the liberation of Goa, is now Prime Minister of Portugal, is pretty incredible by itself. Don't bet against him. As our 'Babush' said earlier this week, "I always deliver more than I promise." Times of India

Bissau: Tudo é difícil, nada funciona

O PRESIDENTE DA REPÚBLICA afirmou que na Guiné-Bissau tudo é difícil, nada funciona e ninguém é responsabilizado perante várias denúncias de corrupção. José Mário Vaz que falava esta segunda-feira, dia 23 perante os deputados da Nação quando presidia a cerimónia de abertura da 1ª Sessão Ordinária do IIº Ano da IX Legislatura da Assembleia Nacional Popular, disse que perante muitos estados de coisas, as autoridades competentes não tem sabido encontrar uma resposta nem atempada e eficaz por forma a atender as legítimas preocupações dos guineenses. "O tempo passa e a resposta de quem de direito tarda a chegar gerando assim um sentimento generalizado de falta de confiança nos políticos e nas instituições do Estado", salientou o chefe de Estado. O Presidente da República disse que importa lembrar que durante o período da campanha eleitoral percorreram o país de norte à sul e visitaram cidades, aldeias e tabancas onde falaram com as pessoas e ouviram as populações e testemunharam várias notícias de desmandos e crimes de várias ordens e que punham em causa a sustentabilidade dos recursos do país. O chefe de Estado sublinhou que, com base nas suas promessas eleitorais e que determinaram as suas vitórias eleitorais, os concidadãos guineenses estão justamente convencidos de que daríamos uma resposta atempada e eficaz as referidas denúncias. "De forma que ninguém podia esperar, as primeiras denúncias do tempo de transição, vieram acrescentar-se às denúncias durante o primeiro ano do nosso mandato", referiu, questionando , porque razão, apesar das nossas comprovadas riquezas haliêuticas e das licenças de pescas emitidas, ainda existe escassez de pescado no mercado nacional. José Mário Vaz questionou ainda porque razão e apesar dos contratos celebrados entre as partes, existem obras públicas em especial de construção e manutenção de estradas, há muito iniciadas, sem que sejam até agora concluídas? "Apesar do consenso nacional nessa matéria. Na moratória determinada pelo executivo com os madeireiros legalmente estabelecidos ainda continuam conflitos no sector", disse. O chefe de Estado revelou que não deixará de passar essa ocasião para de novo colocar o ênfase no papel e na função do parlamento como órgão máximo do poder legislativo e fiscalizador da acção governativa. " O parlamento ao exercer o dever de fiscalização permite que se possa acompanhar os níveis de execução das metas governamentais e contribuir para que o executivo tenha maior performance no seu todo e facilita a identificação dos elos mais fracos que possam comprometer os resultados do colectivo", avisou. O Presidente da República disse sublinhar na ocasião que ANP tenha muitas responsabilidades das quais não poderia demitir-se ou delegar e que poderia ser apoiado em alguns momentos pela Inspecção Geral das Finanças, a Policia Judiciária, o Ministério Público e o Tribunal de Contas. José Mário Vaz disse que igualmente chamou a atenção de que o Orçamento Geral de Estado enquanto lei das finanças não deve ser objecto de despesas extraorçamentais ou de despesas não tituladas e que o seu não acompanhamento poderia por em causa os princípios fundamentais da prestação de contas, de transparência e de justiça social. Contudo, prosseguiu o chefe de Estado, foram várias vozes, desde um cidadão comum e até algumas figuras da praça que ergueram para denunciar derrapagens na execução orçamental e a multiplicação das despesas não-tituladas bem como actos de corrupção nos sectores económicos. "Mas em alguns sectores da nossa sociedade estas denúncias não passam de rumores, invenções, calúnias e até de inveja. Todavia e diariamente somos obrigados a conviver impotentes perante claros e evidentes sinais exteriores de riqueza incompatíveis com as conhecidos cortes de rendimentos de algum servidor de Estado em função a bem pouco tempo". O PRESIDENTE DA ASSEMBLEIA NACIONAL POPULAR (ANP) Cipriano Cassamá disse que o mais importante para o desenvolvimento da Guiné-Bissau é os políticos não deixarem que suas diferenças os levam a divergências. Cassamá que falava no acto da 1ª sessão do segundo ano legislativo da nona legislatura, sublinhou que a promoção do dialogo é o melhor caminho a seguir com vista ao desenvolvimento do pais. “A comunidade internacional está em alerta com as situações do governo da Guiné-Bissau. Avalia se o país merece ou não a sua confiança”, alertou o Presidente de ANP. O Chefe do parlamento guineense acrescentou que tendo em conta essa situação, cabe os políticos guineenses mostrarem que merecem a credibilidade internacional. “Muitas das vezes acabamos por não nos entender no parlamento nas horas de discussões, mais como a discussão é a lei da democracia e é diferente da confusão, voltamos sempre a normalidade”, disse Cipriano Cassamá. O presidente da ANP pediu desculpas ao povo guineense pelos erros cometidos muitas vezes no país, sublinhando que, o povo não merece os acontecimentos que abalam a sociedade guineense nalgumas circunstâncias. Cipriano Cassamá prometeu que o parlamento guineense irá apresentar as suas contas ao longo do segundo ano da nona legislatura e acrescentou que, quando exige dos outros o parlamento deve ser o primeiro a dar exemplo. O Presidente da ANP esclareceu que as viagens que tem efectuado ultimamente, trazem simplesmente benefícios para a instituição que dirige e para o povo guineense em geral. A Guiné-Bissau acolhe a 67ª sessão do Comité Executivo da União Parlamentar Africana (UPA) que decorre entre 02 e 06 de Dezembro próximo e a 38ª Conferência dos Presidentes de Assembleias Parlamentares Nacionais da União Parlamentar Africana (PAPNUPA) que decorrerá de 05 à 06 do mesmo mês. Segundo Cassamá estes encontros, são resultados das suas deslocações ao exterior, acrescidas ainda com a retoma da cooperação ao nível parlamentar com a república de Timor-Leste, depois deste país ter suspendido a sua cooperação com o povo da Guiné-Bissau depois da queda do governo liderado por Domingos Simões Pereira em Agosto último. -- Progresso Nacional

Costa deverá formar Governo

Presidente da República encarregou o secretário-geral do PS de formar Governo, pedindo-lhe "uma solução governativa estável, duradoura e credível". Mas, antes disso, exige que António Costa clarifique "formalmente" seis pontos que, no seu entender, "suscitam dúvidas quanto à estabilidade e à durabilidade de um governo minoritário do Partido Socialista, no horizonte temporal da legislatura". Na audiência, que durou cerca de meia hora, Cavaco Silva entregou um documento (que divulgou agora na página oficial da Presidência da República) onde solicita ao secretário-geral do PS a clarificação formal de questões que entende estarem "omissas nos documentos, distintos e assimétricos", subscritos entre o Partido Socialista, o Bloco de Esquerda, o Partido Comunista Português e o Partido Ecologista “Os Verdes”. A saber: a) aprovação de moções de confiança; b) aprovação dos Orçamentos do Estado, em particular o Orçamento para 2016; c) cumprimento das regras de disciplina orçamental aplicadas a todos os países da Zona Euro e subscritas pelo Estado Português, nomeadamente as que resultam do Pacto de Estabilidade e Crescimento, do Tratado Orçamental, do Mecanismo Europeu de Estabilidade e da participação de Portugal na União Económica e Monetária e na União Bancária; d) respeito pelos compromissos internacionais de Portugal no âmbito das organizações de defesa colectiva; e) papel do Conselho Permanente de Concertação Social, dada a relevância do seu contributo para a coesão social e o desenvolvimento do País; f) estabilidade do sistema financeiro, dado o seu papel fulcral no financiamento da economia portuguesa. O Presidente afirma que o esclarecimento destas questões é "tanto mais decisivo" quanto, justifica, "a continuidade de um governo exclusivamente integrado pelo PS dependerá do apoio parlamentar das forças partidárias com as quais subscreveu os documentos “Posição Conjunta sobre situação política” e quanto os desafios da sustentabilidade da recuperação económica, da criação de emprego e da garantia de financiamento do Estado e da economia se manterão ao longo de toda a XIII legislatura". Expresso