Damash Minerals is a Portuguese company, founded in 2010 whose main objective is the promotion, research and development of mining projects.
This company is part of the Damash Assets Group, whose main shareholder is the former Portuguese international Luis Figo, who decided, after finishing his football career, expand your mind and the collective experience of successful promotion and participatory development in developing countries, through investments in the mining sector enabling, through a process of mutual benefit, the various natural resources in these countries.
Damash Minerals adopted a philosophy of participatory promotion and development of local technical capabilities. The Damash Minerals, as an investor, ensures compliance with local laws and regulations.
Dedicated to the development of mining projects, Damash is taking its first steps in the West African sub-region, and is currently with important and significant mining concessions in Senegal, Guinea, Burkina Faso and ongoing installation in Mali and Mauritania.
Damash Minerals relies, among its technical staff and shareholders, with a strong team with expertise and proven relational, able to effectively and efficiently explore any project in the sector. Currently the company is consolidating its ambition to be among the leading European companies to invest in research and development sector in Africa, particularly in relation to mineral exploration for gold, iron, phosphate, Copper and Bauxite.
12.8.16
Senegal, amigo dos EUA
(SBU) As the Mission and the Government of Senegal (GOS) prepare
to host you, Senegal is preparing for President Abdoulaye Wade's
second inauguration on April 3, 2007. The Senegalese are proud to
have a predominantly Muslim democracy that preaches tolerance and
visibly supports the United States in promoting peace and combating
terrorism. The GOS is seeking to enhance economic growth to
reinforce its prospects at the polls. Growth has remained steady at
five percent over the last decade, though growth in 2006 was
probably less than three percent. Despite high rates of poverty and
illiteracy, Senegal retains a high degree of political stability and
coherence thus enabling GOS to be a diplomatic player on a continent
replete with conflicts. With U.S. training and assistance, Senegal
has also become one of the world's top ten contributors of
peacekeepers.
2. (SBU) Senegal aspires to become a more significant trading
partner, but Senegalese producers have yet to make serious efforts
to tap into the U.S. market, preferring to focus their exports on
regional and European countries. The overall economic malaise,
especially in the agriculture and fishing sectors, has resulted in
mass illegal migration of Senegalese to the Canary Islands (and
hence, the European Union), a thorny issue for the GOS. The
prospect of a successful Millennium Challenge Account (MCA) Compact
offers a realistic potential for breaking with the past. Senegal
must improve the investment climate and push forward more vigorously
with reforms to strengthen its fragile judiciary that is lacking
sufficient resources and often subject to external influences. END
SUMMARY.
AN IMPERFECT DEMOCRACY
----------------------
3. (SBU) Senegal is at an interesting juncture in its
post-independence history. On February 25, President Abdoulaye Wade
(pronounced "wahd") won 56 percent of the vote in a field of 15
candidates, with 70 percent of registered Senegalese voters going to
the polls. Twice-postponed parliamentary elections are slated for
June 3. In 2000 and 2007, Wade won open, peaceful and highly
competitive elections due to a strong Senegalese national desire for
change after nearly 40 years of Socialist Party governments. Having
come under tough scrutiny and criticism for not having realized many
of his campaign promises, he has undertaken major public works
projects that benefited him politically.
4. (SBU) Wade and his party, the Senegalese Democratic Party (PDS),
have benefited from Senegal's institutionalization of democratic
values, respect for human rights, expansion of tolerance,
advancement of women's rights, and freedom of expression in all its
forms. As a consequence, the standards by which the performance of
his government is being measured are admittedly higher than those of
his predecessors, a healthy sign that the large majority of
Senegalese expect and demand democratic behavior from this
government.
SENEGAL'S UNIQUE BRAND OF ISLAM
-------------------------------
5. (SBU) Senegal is 95 percent Muslim, and it is instinctively
resistant to religious extremism. One reason for this moderation is
Senegal's distinctive and flexible interpretation of Islam. Another
may be its geographic position at the western edge of the Islamic
world. But perhaps the principal reason is the pervasive influence
of Sufi brotherhoods that are hostile to external influences that
they perceive as undercutting their own stature. The majority of
Senegalese identify themselves with one of the four principal
Brotherhoods (Tidjane, Mouride, Qu'adria and Layenne). Religious
chiefs are called marabouts. Followers or talibes are expected to
attach themselves to a marabout, and this allegiance is like a
feeling for a father. In many ways the marabouts have replaced the
traditional village chiefs. Politicians use these affiliations to
advance their policies.
SENEGAL'S ECONOMY: AN ACHILLES HEEL
-----------------------------------
6. (SBU) There is general economic stability, and GDP growth
averaged five percent annually for the last ten years. It likely
fell to less than three percent in 2006. More than half the
population lives in poverty; one-third to one-half have no reliable
employment; the agricultural sector, which employs 60 percent of the
population, is weak and unreliable; fishing, another big livelihood
provider, has also been depressed mostly due to diminished fish
stocks. Most youth see emigration as a panacea, as shown by the
recent flight of thousands of Senegalese, via small and dangerous
boats, to the Canary Islands -- an entry to the European Union. On
a more positive note, Senegal graduated from the Highly Indebted
DAKAR 00000696 002.3 OF 004
Poor Countries program. In 2005 and 2006, the IMF and the World
Bank forgave over USD 1 billion in multilateral debt, potentially
freeing up over USD 80 million per year for poverty reduction.
Despite these successes, the business environment remains difficult.
Corruption is an issue, and while Wade has said the right things
about combating it, members of his own family are often rumored to
demand bribes and percentages of investments. In the coming year,
Senegal will face a serious budget crunch and will look to donors
for assistance. Most traditional donors, for their part, are
hesitant to provide budget support without greater transparency and
accountability of expenditures by the GOS.
CLANDESTINE MIGRATION: SOCIAL ISSUE OF THE DAY
--------------------------------------------- -
7. (U) Starting in mid-May 2006, the flow of illegal African
migrants landing on the shores of Spain's Canary Islands reached
alarming levels. Over 27,000 illegal migrants, more than half of
whom are Senegalese, were detained by Spanish authorities in 2006.
Of the 27,000, more than 5,000 migrants have been repatriated to
Senegal. This has generated extensive press coverage by the local
and international media and became a priority for the Government.
On October 10, Senegalese Foreign Minister Cheikh Tidiane Gadio and
his Spanish counterpart, Miguel Angel Moratinos, signed a framework
agreement paving the way for legal immigration based on Spanish job
market needs. Based on the agreement, Spain will provide Senegal
with up to USD 19 million annually over five years. Several other
European countries and the European Commission have also donated
funds and equipment to improve surveillance of the Senegalese coast
and improve border enforcement.
FOREIGN POLICY PRIORITIES START IN NEIGHBORHOOD
--------------------------------------------- --
8. (SBU) Senegal devotes major efforts to maintaining stability on
its borders. While politically Wade has worked hard to expand
Senegal's role on the continent and in world affairs, his government
actually expends real resources (financial, material and
humanitarian) to its near neighbors. For example, Wade has been
engaged in Guinea-Bissau since the September 2003 coup d'etat.
Characteristic of Senegal's regional anxieties, Wade and his
government continue to express great concern over the eventual
transition in nearby Guinea in light of the failing health of its
leader, the potential for disruptions, and a resulting influx of
refugees to Senegal. Wade traveled to Conakry earlier this month to
underscore his support for the new Prime Minister and to call
international attention to Guinea's plight. Also, the sometimes
erratic behavior of the recently re-elected Gambian President
Jammeh, who rules the strategically located strip of land that juts
into Senegal, raises Senegalese concerns over The Gambia's
stability.
CASAMANCE CONFLICT
------------------
9. (SBU) Internal conflict in Senegal's southernmost region of the
Casamance has regional security implications because it borders The
Gambia and Guinea-Bissau. In the last year, there has been an
increase in fighting between factions of the Casamance separatist
movement in southern Senegal and the Senegalese military. Reports
of banditry in the area have also increased. At least seven
civilians died and over 35 were wounded in security incidents in the
Casamance in 2006. We continue to use our influence with GOS
civilian and military institutions as well as with representatives
of local communities in the Casamance to achieve reconciliation and
a lasting resolution to the conflict.
U.S. ASSISTANCE
---------------
10. (SBU) In addition to supporting the Casamance peace process,
U.S. assistance to Senegal has focused on Muslim outreach, health,
education, export promotion, promotion of women's rights, good
governance and decentralization. Approximately 150 Peace Corps
Volunteers are involved in health, education, natural resource
management and micro-enterprise programs. Our model Muslim outreach
program consists of assisting daaras (koranic schools), sending
imams, marabouts and Islamic scholars to the United States on
International Visitor programs and donating Arabic- and
English-language materials to Islamic schools and libraries. The
proposed MCA Compact would more than double annual U.S. aid,
building an industrial platform 25 miles east of Dakar to decongest
the capital, create thousands of jobs in agro-industry and other
sectors, and help GDP growth to reach eight percent per annum.
COMMITMENT TO REGIONAL SECURITY/COOPERATION WITH U.S.
--------------------------------------------- --------
11. (SBU) Senegal has been a loyal partner and has served as an
operational base for every U.S. deployment to the region. The GOS
DAKAR 00000696 003.5 OF 004
has supported the United States by deploying troops to the Gulf War,
Bosnia, Haiti, Rwanda, the Central African Republic, Cote d'Ivoire,
Sierra Leone, Liberia, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC),
and, most recently, Sudan. Senegal was the first African nation to
sign up for the African Crisis Response Initiative (ACRI) [now the
African Contingency Operations Training and Assistance (ACOTA)]
program that provides military assistance and training to African
militaries with the capability of participating in peacekeeping
operations, principally in Africa. ACOTA complements what remains
the largest International Military Education and Training (IMET)
program in Sub-Saharan Africa. This has paid major dividends
through the engagement of Senegalese troops in their traditional
areas of interest (Cote d'Ivoire) and in areas of traditional
interest to us (Liberia).
THE U.S.-SENEGAL AGENDA
-----------------------
12. (SBU) For the U.S., Senegal represents our most important
francophone partner in Africa. Perhaps not coincidentally,
President Wade perceives himself as a good friend of President Bush.
He basked in the glow of the President's visit in July 2003, his
December 2004 visit to the White House, Secretary of State Rice and
Secretary of Agriculture Johanns' July 2005 visits and invitations
SIPDIS
to two G-8 summits. For Senegal, the U.S. represents an attractive
alternative to complete dependence on France. We also embody values
that Wade would like to establish in Senegal, particularly economic
ones. However, there is a realistic appreciation among
knowledgeable Senegalese that the U.S. is not likely to supplant
France as its principal partner any time in the foreseeable future.
13. (SBU) On terrorism, Senegal has been among the first African
states to recognize the dangers posed to its own security by
international terrorism. It has cooperated actively with the U.S.
in the global war on terrorism, and Senegal has ratified 12 of the
13 key anti-terrorist conventions and protocols identified by the
U.S. President Wade has also sent a set of draft laws to the
Ministry of Interior that would expand the definition of terrorist
acts and increase punishments for these acts. Senegal is also
leading regional efforts to combat terrorist financing.
Intelligence sharing and vigilance along Senegal's borders is good
and continues to improve through well-established channels. We have
raised our concerns with Senegal's leaders over the potential for
unwanted influences from radical Muslim states, such as Iran.
14. (SBU) We continue to scrutinize Senegal's relationship with
Iran, Libya, Venezuela and Cuba. Thus far, Senegal has done a good
job in compartmentalizing anQmanaging those relationships to ensure
that they do not act to undermine Senegal's stability. We also
continue to remind Senegal's leaders that too close an embrace will
not be well understood nor well appreciated in Washington. Thus
far, Wade has gotten the message. With respect to the situation in
Iraq, Senegal has been more neutral than during the first Gulf War.
(Senegal proudly provided troops to help evict Saddam from Kuwait.)
Senegal resisted French pressure to take a more critical posture,
and in fact Wade publicly noted his satisfaction that Saddam had
been removed from power. Since diplomatic relations were
re-established in October 2005, China has been playing an
increasingly visible role as a development partner, and the market
share of Chinese products, especially cheap consumer goods and
equipment and vehicles. Large-scale foreign investment, however,
has come mostly from France, Morocco, and India
INVESTMENT CLIMATE
------------------
15. (U) Potential investors, and current businesses, are concerned
about Senegal's energy situation, about the slow pace of
establishing an effective and transparent judiciary that understands
commercial issues, about needed education reform, especially the
lack of vocational education, and about burdensome labor laws that
deter hiring and make dismissals for cause difficult. Through our
assistance programs and the donor community's Private Sector Working
Group -- which is chaired by the U.S. Ambassador -- we are actively
working with the GOS in advancing policy reforms, such as reducing
the time and cost to start a business.
CHILD LABOR
-----------
16. (SBU) Senegal continues to make incremental progress in
addressing the worst forms of child labor, but the problem persists,
primarily in the form of child begging. The GOS includes the
elimination of the worst forms of child labor by 2015 as a policy
priority in its overarching Poverty Reduction Strategy. Senegal's
Department of Statistics and Economic Study, in conjunction with the
ILO's Department of Statistics, is finalizing a major survey on the
worst forms of child labor in Senegal. Scheduled to be released in
DAKAR 00000696 004.3 OF 004
2007, this report is designed to provide, for the first time in
Senegal, comprehensive data on the child labor situation and how it
has changed over the past year. Mr. Aliou Seck, ILO-IPEC
coordinator for Senegal, told us that Senegal's 2007 budget includes
approximately USD 18 million for "child welfare" programs, including
additional measures to address child labor issues in particular
street children and beggars. At least some of this money should be
available to examine fraudulent religious schools that are often a
front for child begging, and to fund programs for the street
children, underage domestic workers, and the sexual exploitation of
children. Seck is also pursuing a 2007 GOS-IPEC program to
reinforce capacity building of judges and labor inspectors, improve
Senegal's legal framework (such as the discrepancy between the legal
age for ending school and beginning work), reinforce the campaign
against exploiting child beggars, and improve the public awareness
effort, particularly among Senegal's opinion leaders. However, with
an annual population growth rate of 2.3 percent, increasing demands
on an already over-burdened education system (public, private, and
religious), and a stagnant economy, there will be no quick solution
for Senegal's child labor problems. The ILO's Seck told us recently
that the establishing even a minimal program to monitor the vast
problem of child domestic workers is not even on the GOS's radar
screen.
BOTTOM LINE
-----------
17. (SBU) Senegal under Wade is a good partner, very sympathetic to
U.S. interests, and regularly seeking ways to deepen the
relationship. Senegal is eager to receive critical Millennium
Challenge Corporation (MCC) funding, and, though the GOS is eager to
conclude its Compact in 2007, the due diligence required to complete
the project's scope of work may push the signing date to 2008.
Economically, Senegal continues to seek U.S. partners and
participants to improve its economy, especially in agro-industry,
telecommunications, energy and transport. Bilateral relations are
very warm and continue to deepen as we expand our areas of
cooperation and seek additional sectors of mutual benefit. Senegal
also carefully considers potential U.S. reactions to its particular
foreign policy decisions, often responding favorably when we express
our concerns, or when we seek GOS support. In sum, Senegal enjoys a
close identification with the United States and many of our policies
and values.
JACOBS -- Wikileaks
Bissau: A escolha de Malam Bacai Sanhá
1. (SBU) SUMMARY: Guinea-Bissau's presidential election took place
without major incident on June 28, 2009. All observers, including those
from Embassy Dakar, agreed that the election was technically sound.
Voter turnout was low, due in part to recent violence (reftel) and
the re-use of voter lists compiled 12 months ago. African Party for
the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde (PAIGC) candidate Malam
Bacai Sanha received 39 percent of the votes cast and will face
former President and Party for Social Renewal (PRS) candidate Kumba
Yala, who garnered 29 percent of the vote, in a second round of
balloting on August 2. END SUMMARY
BACKGROUND
----------
2. (SBU) On June 28, Guinea-Bissau held a presidential election to
replace its slain former president, Joao Bernardo "Nino" Vieira.
The three weeks of official campaigning were muted due to the March
assassinations of Vieira and armed forces chief of staff General
Tagme Na Wai and the June killings of presidential candidate Baciro
Dabo and former Minister of Defense Helder Proenca. Independent
candidate Pedro Infanda dropped out of the race citing a lack of
security.
ELECTION DAY
-------------
3. (SBU) The election took place without incident and was
well-organized, well-executed and without any notable tension.
PolCouns and EmbOffs observed the balloting in Bissau, Mansoa,
Bissora, Bafata, Gabu, and surrounding rural areas. Although U.S.
Embassy observers noticed some very minor irregularities such as
improperly sealed ballot boxes, none noticed any dubious or
fraudulent activities. The presence of candidates' representatives
at all polling stations for the entire day, from the opening of
polls to the counting of votes, helped to minimize irregularities.
Additionally, observers from nations and organizations including the
African Union, the Economic Community of West African States
(ECOWAS), the United Kingdom, and the European Union (EU) agreed
that the election proceeded in a smooth and transparent manner, void
of any irregularities.
4. (SBU) Although voting proceeded smoothly, voter turnout was
noticeably lower than during the November 2008 legislative
elections. Voter turnout was approximately 60 percent, with
significant variations between regions and ethnic groups. For
example, turn-out was reportedly very low among the Papel ethnic
group, ostensibly because they were protesting the assassination of
former president Vieira, who was Papel. The EU observation mission
noted that "the climate of insecurity and fear observed mainly in
the capital, Bissau, may have contributed to the voters' apathy and
lack of enthusiasm during the campaign compared to past elections
and to a possible increase in the level of abstention."
ELECTION RESULTS
------------------
5. (SBU) On July 2, the National Electoral Commission (CNE)
announced the unofficial results. African Party for the
Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde (PAIGC) candidate Malam Bacai
Sanha received 133,786 votes cast, or 39.5 percent. Party for
Social Renewal (PRS) candidate Kumba Yala garnered 99,428 votes, or
29.5 percent. Independent candidate Henrique Rosa secured 81,751
votes, or 24 percent, thereby failing to win a spot in the second
round. (NOTE: In accordance with the Bissau-Guinean electoral code,
if no candidate wins more than 50 percent of the vote, the two
candidates receiving the most votes will compete in a run-off
election. END NOTE) On July 1, Rosa conceded defeated,
congratulated Sanha and Yala, and called on all parties to accept
the results. On July 2, following the release of the official
results, Sanha and Yala both publicly accepted the findings of the
CNE.
6. (SBU) COMMENT: Sanha's strong showing appears to be more of a
result of the organizational capacity of the PAIGC political machine
rather than an endorsement of the government of Prime Minister and
PAIGC President Carlos Gomes Jr. Indeed, public dissatisfaction
with Gomes' government combined with Yala's relentless and scathing
campaign attacks on Gomes and the PAIGC, likely propelled Yala into
second place. It is unlikely, however, that Yala will prevail in
the second round, as most of Rosa's supporters will likely throw
their support behind Sanha. END COMMENT.
BERNICAT
Bissau: O assassínio de Helder Proença
(SBU) Summary: On June 5, 2009, in the early morning,
Bissau-Guinean security forces killed former Minister of
Territorial Administration Baciro Dabo and National Assembly
Deputy Helder Proenca. Several other alleged conspirators
were taken into custody. The Ministry of Interior's
intelligence service issued a statement accusing the three,
along with others, of conspiring to launch a coup d'etat in
the absence of the Interim President, Prime Minister, Defense
Minister and other cabinet officials who are all out of the
country. According to the government, Proenca and Dabo were
killed while resisting arrest. The Ministry of Interior
released the names of six other people wanted in connection
with the alleged coup plot. End of summary.
2. (SBU) According to the GOGB, Dabo, a presidential
candidate, and Proenca, a dissident of the ruling party,
resisted arrest and were killed in separate shoot outs with
government security personnel. (FYI - It is unclear if the
arresting officials were military or civilian law
enforcement. End FYI) Dabo was killed in his home. Proenca
was killed in his vehicle, along with his driver and a body
guard. The government announced that Robert Ferreira Cacheu,
the campaign manager of presidential candidate Malam Bacai;
Faustino Imbali, a former prime minister; Marciano Silva
Barbeiro, former defense minister; Daniel Gomes, a former
fisheries minister; Verissimo Nancassa, a businessman; and
Tito Danfa, a musician, were all detained for allegedly
plotting to overthrow the government. There are also several
unconfirmed reports that former prime minister Imbali was
killed after being taken into custody. Other reports
indicate he was beaten by government security personnel and
is in the hospital. In addition to the people in custody,
the government announced that four military officers --
Afonso Te, Sandji Fati, Domigos Indi, and Joao Monteiro --
were wanted for their alleged role in the plot. Attorney
General Dr. Louis Manuel Cabral and the Supreme Court
President Maria do Ceu Silva Monteiro have reportedly
taken refuge in the Angolan Embassy. The government
claims that the coup plot was planned in Dakar.
3. (SBU) All of the people killed and detained are regarded
as having been close to former President Joao Bernardo
Vieira. Dabo, for example was responsible for Vieira's
personal security during the 1998 civil war and was accused
by the armed forces of having been involved in the plot to
kill former Armed Chief of Staff Batista Tagme Na Wai.
PolOff has received reports that more people could have been
killed in the government's operation, but families are afraid
to come forward and say what happened.
The Senegalese Reaction
-----------------------
4. (C) Senegalese President Abdoulaye Wade convoked the U.S.
and French Ambassadors, along with the European Commisstion
representative and head of the United Nations Office for West
Africa, to discuss the situation in Guinea-Bissau. Wade
expressed concern about the situation and disbelief that the
Bissau-Guinean interim president and prime minister would
both be out the country at the same time. He said he called
Jean Ping, the president of the African Union Commission, to
say he planned to fly to Bissau to talk with the military and
convoke the ministers to resolve the matter. Wade asked Ping
to recruit another West African head of state to accompany
him on this mission.
5. (C) The French Ambassador suggested in light of the
instability and the possibility of continued violence, as
well as reports that the coup plot was hatched in Dakar, it
might be best for Wade to wait. Wade took the point, but
insisted "we" need to do something. He believed that the
Gambia might be involved in these events noting that former
Navy Chief of Staff Admiral Jose Americo Bubo Na Tchuto (who
is under &loose8 house arrest after being accused of
plotting a coup against former President Vieira in September
2008) and former president Kumba Yala (another candidate in
the upcoming Guinea-Bissau presidential elections) are both
in the Gambia at the moment. Wade speculated that Interim
Chief of Staff Captain Zamora Induta was colluding with the
Gambia to overthrow the civilian government in Guinea-Bissau.
The ambassadors cautioned against jumping to conclusions
about the Gambia's role and noted that it is unlikely that
Induta and Na Tchuto, who loathe one another, would be
working together. Wade took the point, but insisted that
having Yala and Na Tchuto in the Gambia together could
constitute a threat to Bissau-Guinean stability.
7. (C) Comment: Several Bissau-Guineans told PolOff they
believed that the government,s allegations of a coup attempt
could be true. However, it is difficult to see how these men
could have expected to be successful. Viewed as Vieira
loyalists, their level of support in the armed forces is
likely to have been relatively low, and without strong
support in the armed forces any coup attempt would be doomed
to failure. Instead, the scenario observers believe is more
credible is that Colonel Antonio Indjai, the acting deputy
armed forces chief of staff, nephew and protg of Na Wai and
commander of the unit whose soldiers are widely believed to
have assassinated President Vieira, is settling scores with
the people he regards are responsible for the murder of Na
Wai.
8. (C) Comment, continued: While the killings will have a
direct effect on the June 28 presidential elections, for the
time being post believes the elections should remain on
schedule. Otherwise, the government will continue to be
headed by an interim president who possesses virtually no
official authority.
BERNICAT 2009
2.8.16
PR de Portugal visita Brasil
Em São Paulo, a capital económica e financeira do Brasil, o Chefe de Estado encontra-se igualmente com empresários, com a comunidade portuguesa
O Presidente da República de Portugal, Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa, inicia esta quarta-feira uma visita de seis dias ao Brasil, onde assiste à abertura dos Jogos Olímpicos do Rio de Janeiro, deslocando-se também a São Paulo e ao Recife.
Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa vai estar no Rio de Janeiro com os atletas olímpicos portugueses, assiste ao jogo de futebol Portugal-Argentina e à cerimónia oficial de abertura dos Jogos Olímpicos, encontra-se com empresários portugueses e brasileiros e visita o Museu do Amanhã e o Museu de Arte do Rio.
Em São Paulo, a capital económica e financeira do Brasil, o Chefe de Estado encontra-se igualmente com empresários, com a comunidade portuguesa e inaugura uma exposição sobre Amália Rodrigues, designada "Saudades do Brasil em Portugal", o título de uma letra de um fado escrito para a diva portuguesa pelo poeta, cantor e compositor brasileiro Vinicius de Moraes.
No Recife, no Estado do Pernambuco, Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa visita o Real Hospital Português de Beneficência, distinguindo o seu provedor, Alberto Ferreira da Costa, com as insígnias de grande-oficial de mérito.
|
No Rio de Janeiro o PR vai se encontrar com os atletas olímpicos portugueses e assistir ao jogo de futebol
Portugal-Argentina
|
26.7.16
São Tomé: Ver para crer
São-Tomé, 26 Jul - O candidato as presidenciais são-tomenses, Evaristo Carvalho poderá concorrer sozinho à segunda volta das eleições, caso o concorrente Manuel Pinto da Costa vier a consumar a sua anunciada desistência do segundo sufrágio a realizar-se a 7 de Agosto no arquipélago, - declarou segunda-feira o juiz do Tribunal Constitucional, José Bandeira.
O Juiz, presidente fez esta declaração no acto de apuramento geral do resultado definitivo da votação de 17 de Julho que confirmou a realização de uma segunda volta entre o candidato do partido ADI no poder, Evaristo de Carvalho com 49,8 por cento de votos e Pinto da Costa com 24,83 por cento de votos, como os mais votados na primeira volta do dia 17 de Julho.
Interrogado pela imprensa sobre uma eventual desistência de Pinto da Costa, José Bandeira explicou que "a segunda volta é uma realidade, está confirmada e na circunstância dessa desistência não há hipótese de chamar outro candidato para concorrer e fazer uma dupla, e teremos nesse caso apenas um candidato".
Numa declaração pública, o candidato Manuel Pinto da Costa condicionou a sua participação na 2ª volta das eleições, tendo considerado que “participar num processo eleitoral tão viciado seria caucioná-lo”.
Sobre a impugnação apresentada por Pinto da Costa e Maria das Neves, Bandeira esclareceu que o Tribunal vai pronunciar-se no momento oportuno, descartando para já qualquer irregularidade no processo eleitoral.
O juiz do Tribunal Constitucional felicitou ainda a Comissão Eleitoral Nacional, CEN, pelo trabalho prestado em fase de contagem parciais dos dados provisórios não obstante as reclamações das candidaturas de Pinto da Costa e Maria das Neves bem como os partidos da oposição.
De acordo com resultados do Tribunal Constitucional, Evaristo de Carvalho conseguiu 34.522 votos, o que corresponde a 49,88% dos votos expressos, seguido de Manuel Pinto da Costa com 17.188 votos (24,83%), Maria das Neves com 16.828 (24,31%), Manuel do Rosário obteve 478 votos (0,69%) e Hélder Barros outros 194 (0,28%)
São-Tomé, 26 Jul - O candidato as presidenciais são-tomenses, Evaristo Carvalho poderá concorrer sozinho à segunda volta das eleições, caso o concorrente Manuel Pinto da Costa vier a consumar a sua anunciada desistência do segundo sufrágio a realizar-se a 7 de Agosto no arquipélago, - declarou segunda-feira o juiz do Tribunal Constitucional, José Bandeira.
O Juiz, presidente fez esta declaração no acto de apuramento geral do resultado definitivo da votação de 17 de Julho que confirmou a realização de uma segunda volta entre o candidato do partido ADI no poder, Evaristo de Carvalho com 49,8 por cento de votos e Pinto da Costa com 24,83 por cento de votos, como os mais votados na primeira volta do dia 17 de Julho.
Interrogado pela imprensa sobre uma eventual desistência de Pinto da Costa, José Bandeira explicou que "a segunda volta é uma realidade, está confirmada e na circunstância dessa desistência não há hipótese de chamar outro candidato para concorrer e fazer uma dupla, e teremos nesse caso apenas um candidato".
Numa declaração pública, o candidato Manuel Pinto da Costa condicionou a sua participação na 2ª volta das eleições, tendo considerado que “participar num processo eleitoral tão viciado seria caucioná-lo”.
Sobre a impugnação apresentada por Pinto da Costa e Maria das Neves, Bandeira esclareceu que o Tribunal vai pronunciar-se no momento oportuno, descartando para já qualquer irregularidade no processo eleitoral.
O juiz do Tribunal Constitucional felicitou ainda a Comissão Eleitoral Nacional, CEN, pelo trabalho prestado em fase de contagem parciais dos dados provisórios não obstante as reclamações das candidaturas de Pinto da Costa e Maria das Neves bem como os partidos da oposição.
De acordo com resultados do Tribunal Constitucional, Evaristo de Carvalho conseguiu 34.522 votos, o que corresponde a 49,88% dos votos expressos, seguido de Manuel Pinto da Costa com 17.188 votos (24,83%), Maria das Neves com 16.828 (24,31%), Manuel do Rosário obteve 478 votos (0,69%) e Hélder Barros outros 194 (0,28%)
Fim/RN
Marrocos quer entrar na União Africana
O reino de Marrocos, que na primeira parte da década de 1980 se afastou da Organização da Unidade Africana (OUA), quer agora entrar na entidade que lhe sucedeu, a União Africana (UA).
Para que isso possa acontecer, Marrocos exige que a República Árabe Sarauí Democrática (RASD) seja suspensa.
No seguimento de longos anos de trabalho diplomático por parte de Rabat, 28 países africanos assinaram uma moção a pedir que a RASD seja efectivamente suspensa da UA.
O Presidente do Gabão, Ali Bongo Ondimba, amigo da França e de Marrocos, assumiu a liderança do grupo que pretende o afastamento da frágil República proclamada pela Frente Polisário.
Senegal, Costa do Marfim e Mali são outros países francófonos muito empenhados em que se faça a vontade ao reino de Marrocos e se sacrifiquem os sarauís, muitos deles exilados na vizinha Argélia.
Gastando rios de dinheiro, os marroquinos prosseguem na saga de procurar conseguir a homologação da sua presença no Sara Ocidental, ao qual recusam o direito à autodeterminação e à independência.
O Presidente do Chade, Idriss Déby Itno, afirmou que Marrocos tem o direito de entrar na UA "quando e como desejar", contribuindo assim para que se cumpram os desejos das autoridades de Rabat.
Um documento elaborado em francês, inglês, espanhol e árabe dá conta dos desejos de os marroquinos entrarem na UA, 32 anos depois de se terem afastado da OUA, como forma de protesto contra o facto de, em 1982, ela ter reconhecido a RASD.
Marrocos tem tido artes de colaborar com uma grande parte da África, nos domínios da economia e da segurança, entre outros.
Macky Sall, Presidente do Senegal, que não quer perder a parte meridional do seu país, a Casamansa, é um dos que defendem que a RASD seja suspensa da UA, onde é apoiada, nomeadamente, pela Argélia, a África do Sul, Angola e Moçambique.
Em Junho, o Presidente do Ruanda, Paul Kagamé, visitou oficialmente Rabat, a fim de debater estes assuntos com o rei Mohamed VI.
Tendo morrido recentemente o primeiro líder da RASD, Mohamed Abdelaziz, o soberano marroquino julga-se agora mais à vontade para fazer com que a maioria do continente africano alinhe com os seus pontos de vista.
A presidente cessante da Comissão da UA, a sul-africana Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, saudou o novo Presidente sarauí, Brahim Ghali; mas isto não preocupa demasiado aqueles que preferem fazer o jogo de Marrocos.
O precário estado de saúde do Presidente da Argélia, Abdelaziz Bouteflika, um dos grandes protectores da RASD, também poderá ajudar a que os sarauís fiquem na mó de baixo.
Há 32 anos uma grande parte da África e da América Latina era solidária com a Frente Polisário, mas com o andar do tempo essa causa foi perdendo peso, pois as próprias Nações Unidas foram incapazes de proceder a um referendo no qual os sarauís afirmassem se queriam ou não ser independentes.
A RASD foi proclamada unilateralmente em 1976, há 40 anos, e apenas controla uma pequena parte do Sara Ocidental, encostada à Argélia e à Mauritânia, enquanto no resto do território se encontram os militares e os colonos marroquinos.
Para alguns dos seus detractores, é tão improvável a causa sarauí vencer quanto o são as hipotéticas independências da Casamansa ou de Cabinda. Sobretudo tendo em conta as notícias pouco agradáveis que temos da Eritreia, depois de ela se ter afastado da Etiópia; e o desastre que foi a independência do Sudão do Sul.
Retalhar ainda mais a África, do que aquilo que ela já o está, na sequência dos desígnios coloniais, poderá não ser uma solução muito feliz.
Deverá ser isso o que pensam os 28 países africanos que se inclinaram para o lado de Marrocos: Benim, Burkina Faso, Burundi, Cabo Verde, Comores, Congo, Costa do Marfim, Djibuti, Eritreia, Gabão, Gâmbia, Ghana, República da Guiné, Guiné-Bissau, Guiné Equatorial, Libéria, Líbia, República Centro-Africana, República Democrática do Congo, São Tomé e Príncipe, Senegal, Seychelles, Serra Leoa, Somália, Sudão, Suazilândia, Togo e Zâmbia.
O reino de Marrocos, que na primeira parte da década de 1980 se afastou da Organização da Unidade Africana (OUA), quer agora entrar na entidade que lhe sucedeu, a União Africana (UA).
Para que isso possa acontecer, Marrocos exige que a República Árabe Sarauí Democrática (RASD) seja suspensa.
No seguimento de longos anos de trabalho diplomático por parte de Rabat, 28 países africanos assinaram uma moção a pedir que a RASD seja efectivamente suspensa da UA.
O Presidente do Gabão, Ali Bongo Ondimba, amigo da França e de Marrocos, assumiu a liderança do grupo que pretende o afastamento da frágil República proclamada pela Frente Polisário.
Senegal, Costa do Marfim e Mali são outros países francófonos muito empenhados em que se faça a vontade ao reino de Marrocos e se sacrifiquem os sarauís, muitos deles exilados na vizinha Argélia.
Gastando rios de dinheiro, os marroquinos prosseguem na saga de procurar conseguir a homologação da sua presença no Sara Ocidental, ao qual recusam o direito à autodeterminação e à independência.
O Presidente do Chade, Idriss Déby Itno, afirmou que Marrocos tem o direito de entrar na UA "quando e como desejar", contribuindo assim para que se cumpram os desejos das autoridades de Rabat.
Um documento elaborado em francês, inglês, espanhol e árabe dá conta dos desejos de os marroquinos entrarem na UA, 32 anos depois de se terem afastado da OUA, como forma de protesto contra o facto de, em 1982, ela ter reconhecido a RASD.
Marrocos tem tido artes de colaborar com uma grande parte da África, nos domínios da economia e da segurança, entre outros.
Macky Sall, Presidente do Senegal, que não quer perder a parte meridional do seu país, a Casamansa, é um dos que defendem que a RASD seja suspensa da UA, onde é apoiada, nomeadamente, pela Argélia, a África do Sul, Angola e Moçambique.
Em Junho, o Presidente do Ruanda, Paul Kagamé, visitou oficialmente Rabat, a fim de debater estes assuntos com o rei Mohamed VI.
Tendo morrido recentemente o primeiro líder da RASD, Mohamed Abdelaziz, o soberano marroquino julga-se agora mais à vontade para fazer com que a maioria do continente africano alinhe com os seus pontos de vista.
A presidente cessante da Comissão da UA, a sul-africana Nkosazana Dlamini-Zuma, saudou o novo Presidente sarauí, Brahim Ghali; mas isto não preocupa demasiado aqueles que preferem fazer o jogo de Marrocos.
O precário estado de saúde do Presidente da Argélia, Abdelaziz Bouteflika, um dos grandes protectores da RASD, também poderá ajudar a que os sarauís fiquem na mó de baixo.
Há 32 anos uma grande parte da África e da América Latina era solidária com a Frente Polisário, mas com o andar do tempo essa causa foi perdendo peso, pois as próprias Nações Unidas foram incapazes de proceder a um referendo no qual os sarauís afirmassem se queriam ou não ser independentes.
A RASD foi proclamada unilateralmente em 1976, há 40 anos, e apenas controla uma pequena parte do Sara Ocidental, encostada à Argélia e à Mauritânia, enquanto no resto do território se encontram os militares e os colonos marroquinos.
Para alguns dos seus detractores, é tão improvável a causa sarauí vencer quanto o são as hipotéticas independências da Casamansa ou de Cabinda. Sobretudo tendo em conta as notícias pouco agradáveis que temos da Eritreia, depois de ela se ter afastado da Etiópia; e o desastre que foi a independência do Sudão do Sul.
Retalhar ainda mais a África, do que aquilo que ela já o está, na sequência dos desígnios coloniais, poderá não ser uma solução muito feliz.
Deverá ser isso o que pensam os 28 países africanos que se inclinaram para o lado de Marrocos: Benim, Burkina Faso, Burundi, Cabo Verde, Comores, Congo, Costa do Marfim, Djibuti, Eritreia, Gabão, Gâmbia, Ghana, República da Guiné, Guiné-Bissau, Guiné Equatorial, Libéria, Líbia, República Centro-Africana, República Democrática do Congo, São Tomé e Príncipe, Senegal, Seychelles, Serra Leoa, Somália, Sudão, Suazilândia, Togo e Zâmbia.
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