Mali: Luta entre fulas e tuaregues

BAMAKO, Feb 7 (Reuters) - Around 30 ethnic Tuaregs were killed in northern Mali's Gao region in localised fighting with ethnic Peuls, the Ministry of Defence said on Friday. "It was score-settling between Peuls and Tuaregs in the Djebok district," said Defence Minister Soumeylou Boubeye Maiga. He gave no details but added that fighting between the two groups happens frequently. A shortage of good grazing land is one source of tension between the two communities. A French-led offensive in January 2013 drove out Islamist militants who had seized control of northern Mali. Some fighters linked to al Qaeda are still holding out in pockets of territory in the north, but there were no indications of al Qaeda involvement in this week's clash. Malian soldiers were investigating and interviewing witnesses, the commander of Malian forces in Gao, Colonel Abdoulaye Coulibaly told Reuters. Peul is a French word for the Fula, or Fulani people, a group that lives in many countries in central and west Africa. Tuaregs are mostly nomadic pastoralists who live in northern Mali and elsewhere in the Sahara.

Bissau: Ramos-Horta só fica "mais algumas semanas"...

O representante do secretário-geral da Organização das Nações Unidas em Bissau, José Ramos-Horta, anunciou o fim do seu mandato de um ano, "o meu mandato era de um ano, devo ficar mais algumas semanas mais, mas não posso ficar mais do que isso. Ficarei até às eleições, até à

formação do Governo." Ramos-Horta completa no próximo dia 9 de Fevereiro um ano à frente do Gabinete Integrado das Nações Unidas na Guiné-Bissau. Um mecanismo para ajudar e “consolidar a paz” na Guiné-Bissau. No entanto, a saída do Prémio Nobel da Paz não significa um desligamento dos assuntos guineenses. "Não é preciso eu estar aqui a tempo inteiro para continuar a apoiar. O mais crítico foi este período após o golpe até as eleições. Vem a formação do Governo, negociações para a formação do novo Governo e voltarei aqui para ajudar se for preciso", disse José Ramos Horta. RFI -------- "Não pode ficar" muito mais do que um ano e algumas semanas! Tem muito mais que fazer do que ficar dois ou três anos na Guiné-Bissau... É espantoso!

Japão e China à conquista da África

A rise in Japanese activity on the continent worries China, as does Tokyo's pledge to provide US$32 billion in finance by 2018 Prime Minister Shinzo Abe's state tour to Côte d’Ivoire, Mozambique and Ethiopia in early January was only the third official visit by a serving Japanese Premier to take in several African countries at once: in 2001, Prime Minister Yoshiro Mori travelled to a number of countries on the continent, as did Junichiro Koizumi in 2006. In Abidjan, Abe hosted 13 heads of state from the Economic Community of West African States. In August, he was in Djibouti as part of a tour of the Middle East. Yet what is most striking about Abe’s January visit to sub-Saharan Africa is both the timing and intent. Africa Confidential --- Japão, China, Índia, EUA, União Europeia: Todos, todos, querem África, querem as riquezas africanas; explorar o enorme potencial do continente.

Bissau: A polémica figura de José Ramos Horta

QUANDO HÁ dias o vi esparramado no sofá de napa do modesto "salão VIP" do aeroporto de Bissau, veio-me à lembrança aquele velho ditado do "criminoso volta sempre ao local do crime". Parecia um nababo, quase que explodindo de vaidade, rodeado de algumas pessoas que aparentemente lhe bebiam as palavras como se doutas e sábias se tratassem. Falo de José Ramos Horta, possivelmente uma das maiores fraudes políticas que surgiram nas últimas décadas e que os nossos media - quase sempre inocentemente, reconheça-se... - alcandoraram a um estatuto para o qual não possui méritos, virtudes ou currículo. E "o criminoso volta sempre ao local do crime", porquê? Porque me lembrei que praticamente há dez anos, também em Bissau, o mesmo Ramos Horta tinha-me confessado a sua indignação pela forma como tinham decorrido as eleições que tinham dado a vitória ao PAIGC, então já de Carlos Gomes Júnior, um negociante que tinha tomado o lugar dos históricos e dos combatentes daquele que foi o mais estruturado movimento independentista da chamada África portuguesa: "Isto que se passou não foram eleições, foi uma verdadeira fraude", dissera-me ele - a mim e ao Jorge Lemos Peixoto, um ou dois dias depois dos guineenses terem ido às urnas. Qual não foi o nosso espanto quando, poucas horas depois, o mesmo Ramos Horta, na sua qualidade de, salvo erro, chefe da delegação da CPLP aquelas eleições guineenses, desdobrava-se em declarações públicas elogiando a forma como tinha decorrido o acto eleitoral… Confesso que a atitude de Horta (personagem que eu conheço desde inícios dos anos 80) não me surpreendeu, até porque dias antes ele tinha passado parte de uma viagem entre Lisboa e Bissau a dizer-me o pior (mas aqui o pior é mesmo o pior…) de Xanana Gusmão e uns meses antes tinha assistido em Madrid a um dos episódios de um rocambolesco folhetim relacionado com a emissão de selos para a então futura República Democrática de Timor-Leste e onde um generoso (sublinho o "generoso"…) Albertino Figueiredo ainda hoje deve estar arrependido de ter confiado na palavra de alguém que lhe prometera o que semanas mais tarde entregou de mão beijada aos australianos. E é este mesmo Ramos Horta, exactamente o mesmo que há dez anos tinha, em poucas horas, "validado" umas eleições que rapidamente passaram de "fraude" a "exemplares", que hoje lidera a missão das Nações Unidas num país que, à mercê dessas repentinas e estranhas mudanças de opinião, viu serem assassinados, entre outros, um chefe de Estado, dois chefes militares e uma mão-cheia de responsáveis políticos. Alguém a quem falta vergonha, que sobra descaramento e a quem a ambição norteia e preside aos seus estados de alma. É a este mesmo Ramos Horta que a chamada "comunidade internacional" (que é uma entidade vaga, inócua e que ainda ninguém entendeu bem o que de facto representa) confiou a sua representação num país que merecia certamente quem melhor e de forma mais isenta zelasse pelos seus interesses. É este Ramos Horta que, do alto de uma legitimidade mais do que duvidosa e que lhe advém de um cargo burocrático surripiado nos corredores das Nações Unidas, armado em "vice-rei" tenta pôr e dispôr do futuro de um povo ainda sujeito aos ardis, manhas e golpadas de quem apenas pretende dar largas ao seu imenso e injustificado ego. Sejamos claros: enquanto a Guiné-Bissau estiver sujeita a quem pouco ou nada se interessa com o bem comum de uma comunidade ávida de paz e tranquilidade, o seu futuro está hipotecado. E Ramos Horta não está lá para isso, bem antes pelo contrário. A sua estada em Bissau apenas serve para fazer os fretes que ele acha que lhe darão jeito a uma carreira internacional que ele pensa ainda poder ser auspiciosa e preparar uma "reforma" cómoda e segura. E amanhã, se as coisas voltarem à cepa torta, acreditem que o primeiro a fugir com o rabinho à seringa e a clamar a sete-ventos que nada teve a ver com a evolução das coisas será este "artista" de meia-tijela, mas que à conta das suas manhosices até já abichou (a meias, mas abichou…) um prémio Nobel da Paz. Como dizia o outro, o mundo está (de facto) perigoso! Publicada no seu blog por zpf ( José Paulo Fafe, antigo jornalista do Tal & Qual ) terça-feira, Janeiro 28, 2014

Homofobia, o novo apartheid africano

In August 2013, in his seventh inauguration speech, President Robert Mugabe was particularly derisive of the gay community. He urged young Zimbabweans to shun homosexuality as an abomination of humankind "that destroys nations, apart from it being a filthy, filthy disease". That speech marked the conclusion of a presidential election campaign that hinged almost entirely on economic empowerment, but relied on an unhealthy dose of homophobia. Mugabe effectively used existing public disdain for homosexuality as a means to delegitimise the political opposition - with its liberal economics and politics - as part of the evidence that it was merely a puppet of the West. I had travelled to Zimbabwe to cover what was meant to be a landmark election. The homophobic sentiment that seemed to underpin Mugabe's campaign was unsettling. It was also, at that time, inexplicable to me. On further reflection however, a country where two thirds of the population live in rural areas, with a world view that revolves around land, livelihood and church, Mugabe's move to highlight homosexuality was a stroke of political genius. But Mugabe is certainly not alone in abusing the gay community for political gain. In January 2014, Nigeria signed a law that will punish anyone who promotes gay rights with a 10-year prison sentence. Elections are due there in the next 18 months... coincidence? In Cameroon, gay people are often sentenced to prison for merely indulging in sex. In Liberia, a religious gathering has been collecting signatures pushing the government to sign a law banning same-sex marriage. In South Africa, the past five years have seen the rise of hate-crimes against gay people, including a phenomenon known as "corrective rape" - rape committed with a view to alter the victim's sexual orientation. For many, the apparent surge in anti-gay sentiment is only a response to the pressure being put on African governments by western governments, to, ironically, "act a certain way". A distraction? Even as economies continue to grow and middle classes emerge, rampant inequality burns holes in the aspirations of the continent. Where then does this leave the gay community? They've merely become a red herring, a distraction, to divert attention from the failing democratic culture among so many weak democracies across the continent. Inside Story - Redefining marriage In truth, there is little demonstrable regard or patience for African homosexuals among wide swathes of the continent's society. But plainly speaking, the issue of gay rights is not at the top of most African governments' agendas. Why should it be? In so many countries on the continent, human rights of the barest minimum - water, sanitation, electricity - barely exist. Prioritising the rights of gay people is almost unthinkable. In fact, the pressure to do so from the outside has even forced some to invent notions of homosexuality as an imported, western concept, ie: "un-African". Of course, gay Africans will dispute this, pointing out that history illustrates that this tribe here, and that people there, had established practices of homosexuality. So to suggest that Africa has no place for homosexuals is to imagine the continent's history as beginning when prude missionaries brought Bibles, long skirts and umbrellas as a marker of civilisation. Struggling with the colonial past The construction of sin and categorical notions of sexuality over the past four centuries on the continent are inextricably linked to colonialism, the Church and the ambitions of the state. And "independence" from the colonial powers, as it came, was a shame, for it often did little to inspire independent thought. If anything, the struggle for gay rights in so many African countries today tells us about a continent still battling the demons of colonialism, a continent that is still in the process of negotiating an identity - as articulated, again, through the lens of the colonial master. Among the greatest challenges many African democracies face today are the continued existence of one-party states and the lack of strong civil institutions. And, in this vacuum, the Church is the most established institution outside the hallowed halls of party and state. Politicians know too well that decriminalising homosexual relationships at this point would only alienate them from the most dependable institution: religion. This is, of course, precisely the polar opposite of recent developments in the United States and the European Union. In those lands, once paved with gold and a love for all things good and equal, it is no longer "proper" to isolate or discriminate against any minority, despite what you might feel deep inside. In the West, the erosion of the Church as the centre of the moral universe and its replacement with a cauldron of secular, civil institutions at the heart of public debate and influence means that there is always a shifting politic. And so, whereas African politicians might openly use hate-speech to garner votes, western politicians, or at least those who don't obviously veer to the extreme right, must pretend with equal measure to love all. Both approaches are a means to an end - wielding power. The recent emphasis on rising homophobia in Africa is disingenuous. It is a bargaining chip in order to hold countries to ransom. Homosexuality remains illegal in almost two-thirds of the 55 countries on the African continent. But targeting the trend of hostility towards gay rights in Africa is hypocritical. Even the US does not embrace gay rights universally; laws dealing with the full protection of homosexuals still vary from state to state. Counting the Cost - A tale of three African economies Like most issues on the continent, even where anti-gay laws exist, enforcement varies from one country to the next. Actions are determined by the mood swings of agencies, legislators and leaders. The fact is, protective laws themselves will not change the lived experience of gays in most of these countries, not in their current state, at least. The case of South Africa Take South Africa, for example, where progressive laws are the envy of the civilised world - but the lived experience of the poor and the marginalised, including those gay people not living in a boutique studio in downtown Cape Town, suggest that, without adequate social transformation, there is little assurance that these laws will be respected. Homosexuality has been legally protected in the country since 1996 while same-sex marriage has been legal since 2006. Yet, the disturbing notions of African masculinity, mixed with the myth of what it means to be "African" overrides the constitutional rights of gay people. In the face of disenfranchisement, there is a selective abstraction in how the gay community fits into the larger paradigm that is post-Apartheid South Africa. Between the pomp, glory and loss of Nelson Mandela's memorial service in December 2013, many South Africans spoke of Mandela's "mistake of allowing abortion and gay rights" to consolidate under the umbrella of human rights during his term in office, as if any community could remain second-class citizens after the struggle against Apartheid. Mandela's enthusiasm for reconciliation, his insistence that no minority suffer in a new South Africa, meant that he had to transcend his own biases to offer protection to a community that appeared otherwise destined to remain repressed. He understood, then, even before the western world did, that when it came down to dignity, there could be no such thing as first world laws. Mandela appears to have been rather alone in that understanding, and therein lies the quandary of visionless African leadership. Whereas most African countries have outlawed same-sex relationships as part of old colonial "public order" acts that have never been changed, the move to specifically target homosexuals, the way Nigeria and Uganda have done, effectively legitimises homophobia. And in so doing, it washes away our actual history, and creates a new one for us, just as colonialism bid us to do. Azad Essa; a journalist at Al Jazeera, covering Sub-Saharan Africa. Follow him on Twitter: @azadessa This article is an abridged version of a column that appeared in the February edition of Kindle Magazine.

Presidentes africanos estão contra o Tribunal Penal Internacional

ADDIS ABABA, Ethiopia — The African Union urged its members to “speak with one voice” to prevent criminal proceedings at the International Criminal court against sitting presidents, according to a statement Saturday. The 54-nation organization said it was disappointed that a request to the U.N. Security Council to defer the trials of Kenya’s leaders “has not yielded the positive result expected.” The African Union also has sought the deferral of criminal proceedings against Sudan’s President Omar al-Bashir, who has been charged with genocide in Darfur. Only Botswana has opposed the stand taken by the African Union, made in a statement received Saturday after a summit in Ethiopia attended by 34 leaders. “African states parties should comply with African Union decisions on the ICC and continue to speak with one voice,” the statement said, adding “There is an imperative need for all member states to ensure that they adhere to and articulate commonly agreed positions ...” Kenya’s President Uhuru Kenyatta and his deputy William Ruto face charges of crimes against humanity at the international court at The Hague for allegedly orchestrating post-election violence that killed more than 1,000 people following a disputed presidential election in late 2007. Both men deny the charges. The International Criminal Court has recently come under strong criticism from African leaders who accuse it of racism in indicting only Africans. Countries such as Uganda have suggested they may decide to sever ties with the court in solidarity with Kenya. Some Africans also argue that the Kenyan leaders need to concentrate on governing their countries to ensure stability as the region faces unprecedented terrorist challenges. Ruto’s trial continues at The Hague but the case against Kenyatta may collapse. Kenyatta’s trial was to start in November but was postponed to February after the prosecution and defense teams said they needed more time to prepare. The prosecutor in December asked for an additional three-month adjournment after one witness withdrew and another said they gave false evidence. A Kenyan court on Friday refused to stop the arrest of a journalist wanted by the international court for allegedly interfering with prosecution witnesses in the case against Ruto. Copyright 2014 The Associated Press.

Bissau: Abriu o VIII Congresso do PAIGC

O presidente em exercício do Partido Africano da Independência da Guiné e Cabo Verde (PAIGC), Manuel Saturnino, pediu hoje "coesão" interna na abertura do oitavo congresso daquela força política. O dirigente espera que, depois da reunião magna, "não haja vencedores nem vencidos" dentro do partido, num apelo à "coesão dos militantes" tendo em conta os próximos embates eleitorais - eleições gerais (legislativas e presidenciais) marcadas para 16 de março. O congresso que vai escolher o novo líder e decidir quem se candidatará às eleições começou três dias depois do previsto devido a várias reuniões internas para "limar arestas", justificou no sábado o secretário nacional do PAIGC, Augusto Olivais, à agência Lusa. A abertura acabou por acontecer hoje, pelas 14:00, e contou com vários músicos convidados. O congresso junta 1.200 delegados para discutir os estatutos e escolher uma nova liderança, substituindo Carlos Gomes Júnior, primeiro-ministro deposto no golpe de Estado de abril de 2012 e que reside fora do país. Uma delegação do Movimento Popular de Libertação de Angola (MPLA) está presente, encabeçada por Cristóvão da Cunha, membro do "bureau" político do partido que governa Angola. Aquele representante já discursou e disse que o MPLA "não podia faltar ao congresso do PAIGC, por ser um partido amigo, cujo fundador, Amílcar Cabral, ajudou na independência e emancipação do povo angolano". Ainda na abertura, Óscar Barbosa, porta-voz da direção do PAIGC, leu várias mensagens de felicitações, como do Partido Comunista da China, do Partido Comunista de Cuba e de diversas forças políticas da Rússia, Gana e Venezuela, entre outras. Os delegados devem hoje aprovar a composição da mesa do congresso, bem como o programa dos trabalhos para os próximos dias. Nos estatutos em vigor, existe um secretário nacional com funções administrativas, sendo o presidente quem dirige o partido e encabeça a lista às eleições legislativas - cenário que o candidato Braima Camará quer manter. Outra proposta defende que o PAIGC passe a ter um secretário-geral que seja cabeça-de-lista nas legislativas, passando o presidente a dedicar-se só ao partido - opção dos candidatos à presidência Carlos Correia e Satu Camará e de outros concorrentes à liderança que pretendem ocupar o cargo de secretário-geral: Domingos Simões Pereira, Aristides Ocante da Silva, Cipriano Cassamá e Daniel Gomes. No entanto, o posicionamento de cada candidato a líder poderá depender do que vier a ser decidido sobre os estatutos, disse fonte partidária à agência Lusa. O PAIGC é a força política mais votada no parlamento da Guiné-Bissau, foi o movimento que organizou a luta pela independência na era colonial e não teve oposição até ser admitida a criação de outros partidos, em 1991. Lusa