Guiné-Bissau: um equívoco?

A Guiné-Bissau é um equívoco



"Desde a guerra da libertação até agora, a Guiné-Bissau não dá nem um passo em frente", disse-me há dias um rapaz de 22 anos que pretende deixar o seu país e prosseguir os estudos na Europa.

"Quando terminámos a guerra do 7 de Junho (1998/1999), apareceu um Governo do dr. Kumba Ialá e, infelizmente, piorou tudo, até agora. Tínhamos esperança no Governo de Domingos Simões Pereira, mas caiu", acrescentou aquele meu correspondente, que por motivos óbvios não identifico.

"Até agora não encontrámos uma solução para o país. Lamento imenso a triste sina do meu povo", afirmou ainda o mesmo jovem. Um dos tantos que tentam encaminhar-se para Portugal, o Senegal ou o Brasil, por não verem qualquer esperança no seu solo pátrio.

Enquanto isto, o Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas teve um briefing, seguido por consultas sobre a Guiné-Bissau, aquelas intermináveis consultas que se arrastam desde há anos.

Foram ouvidos o maliano Modibo Touré, representante especial do secretário-geral Ban Ki-moon, o embaixador uruguaio Luís Bermudez e o embaixador brasileiro António de Aguiar Patriota.

Um relatório do secretário-geral apresentado no início de Agosto declara que o progresso alcançado após as eleições de 2014 retrocedeu. Três sucessivas mudanças de Governo e um longo período de paralisia política levaram nos últimos 12 meses ao desgaste ainda maior das instituições do Estado.

As reformas nos sectores da defesa, da segurança e da justiça foram suspensas, pelo que nem doadores nem investidores desejam fazer seja o que for pela Guiné-Bissau.

Mantém-se um regime de sanções, para que as forças de segurança e de defesa não voltem a interferir na vida política de um dos mais infelizes países africanos.

No entanto, o risco de uma nova intervenção dos militares poderá aumentar se a crise política persistir, se não houver reformas e se os soldados não forem pagos.

Responsáveis pelo golpe de estado de 2012, como Ibraima Camará, António Injai, Estêvão Na Mena, Daba Naualna e Mamadu Turé, estão impedidos de se deslocar ao estrangeiro, mas em 30 de Junho último Naualna foi nomeado presidente do Supremo Tribunal Militar; e Tchipa Na Bidon presidente do Tribunal Militar da Região Centro.

Existe um sentimento generalizado de profunda frustração, tanto entre a população da Guiné-Bissau como entre quem no exterior segue o que lá se passa.

Caíram os governos de Domingos Simões Pereira e de Carlos Correia, qualquer dia poderá cair o de Baciro Djá; e o Presidente José Mário Vaz é muito mal visto por uma parte substancial dos seus compatriotas.

O Banco Mundial, o Banco Africano de Desenvolvimento, a União Europeia e o Fundo Monetário Internacional estão-se mais ou menos nas tintas para os sofrimentos do povo guineense, devido à falta de entendimento dos principais órgãos de soberania.

Enquanto o Presidente da República, o presidente da Assembleia Nacional e os dirigentes dos principais partidos não se conseguirem entender, a Guiné-Bissau não avança, não sai do atoleiro. Por mais relatórios que o secretário-geral das Nações Unidas elabore, por mais reuniões que o Conselho de Segurança faça.

À falta de um milagre, ou de uma completa regeneração da classe política, a Guiné-Bissau é um tremendo equívoco. Um pequeno e extremamente complexo país pós-colonial, ainda à procura de si próprio.

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Bissau: A prolongada paralisia política

The prolonged political paralysis within Guinea -Bissau over the last 12 months has highlighted the fragility of State institutions, albeit within the framework of the recently restored constitutional order. Ambiguity in interpretation of the separation of powers has led to the frequent changes of Government during this period. This has undermined political cooperation between the President, the Prime Minister and the President of the National Assembly, and has stalled the country’s reform agenda, aggravating donor fatigue. Reforms, especially in the justice, security and defence sectors, are not only critical for the ongoing stability of Guinea-Bissau, but are the preconditions for renewed engagement and financial assistance from international partners.

22. The recommendations on the continuation of United Nations sanctions contained in my previous report ( S/2005/619) remain valid and relevant to the deteriorating political situation in Guinea -Bissau. The Security Council may wish to maintain the current designation criteria and send a clear message to all citizens of Guinea-Bissau that the sanctions regime is applicable to all spoilers, regardless of their political or institutional affiliation, and that the Council is ready to give consideration to further enhancing sanctions measures and designations as and when required. The Council could also consider the e stablishment of a panel of experts in order to deepen the information base for more targeted and effective sanctions. Such a panel could also serve to promote greater awareness of the sanctions regime inside the country. The Panel’s existence would also serve as a deterrent by signalling to would-be political spoilers that the Council is closely monitoring developments in Guinea-Bissau. Should the Council decide to establish such a panel, it could be mandated to identify those who meet the designation crite ria for targeted measures.

23. The reported death in 2016 of one of the still -listed individuals and the appointment of another one to an important judicial position highlight the importance for the Security Council and its 2048 (2012) Sanctions Committee of reviewing the sanctions list in order to maintain the credibility of the regime. The establishment of a panel of experts, as proposed above, could assist in that process. Such a review could also be timed to coincide with consideration of key benchmarks, the completion of which might enable sanctions measures to be further adjusted, expanded or lifted. The establishment of benchmarks would send an important signal to designated individuals that there is a path to delisting.
24. Throughout this period of political instability within Guinea -Bissau, the Security Council has remained actively engaged and consistently responded to key political developments in Guinea-Bissau, expressing concern about political tensions and calling for continued respect for the rule of law and the promotion of inclusive dialogue to resolve the political impasse. 3 Direct engagement by the 2048 (2012) Sanctions Committee with local, regional and international actors, as well as United Nations system partners, would signal to the po pulation an increased level of attention by the Council. The Council undertook a mission to Guinea -Bissau, on 7 March 2016, its first in more than a decade, in order to assess the situation.

3 See Security Council press statements on the situation in Guinea -Bissau (SC/12005, 12 August 2015); (SC/12007, 14 August 2015); (SC/12054, 21 September __________________

Novo vice-presidente do MPLA

João Lourenço, de 62 anos (foto), é o novo vice-presidente do MPLA  e António Paulo Cassoma o seu secretário-geral, os antigos dirigentes Roberto de Almeida e Julião Mateus "Dino Matross" permanecem no bureau político do MPLA.

Muitos nomes circulavam mas finalmente e por proposta presidencial o comité central do MPLA na sua primeira reunião desde o VII congresso ordinário (17a 20/08) que reelegeu José Eduardo dos Santos como presidente do MPLA com 96,6% de votos, elegeu esta terça-feira (23/08) o ministro da Defesa João Lourenço para vice-presidente em substituição de Roberto de Almeida, enquanto o ex primeiro ministro e antigo presidente da Assembleia Nacional António Paulo Cassoma substitui Julião Mateis "Dino Matross" como secretário-geral do MPLA.
Segundo os estatutos do partido no poder desde a independência de Angola a 11 de Novembro de 1975, o vice-presidente do MPLA coadjuva o Presidente (do partido e do país) José Eduardo dos Santos, coordena a acção política, acompanha a actividade administrativa das estruturas que lhe forem incumbidas pelo presidente do MPLA, pelo seu comité central e pelo bureau político.
Já o secretário-geral é um orgão individual executivo permamente, a quem compete dirigir a organização administrativa do secretariado do bureau político, a política financeira e a gestão dos recursos humanos do MPLA, segundo orientações superiores.
Welwitchia e José Filomeno dos Santos os dois filhos do Presidente eleitos no último congresso em nome da OMA e da JMPLA respectivamente para o comité central do MPLA, não integraram o bureau político, que vai preparar a proposta de estratégia eleitoral com vista às eleições gerais agendadas para Agosto de 2017, a respectiva lista de candidatos e o projecto de programa de governação para o período 2017/2022, que serão apreciadas e aprovadas pelo comité central.

Avelino Miguel, correspondente da RFI

em Luanda

A Guiné-Bissau está mal

O novo presidente da comissão da Comunidade Económica dos Estados da África Ocidental (CEDEAO), o beninense Alain Marcel de Souza, exortou hoje os líderes da Guiné-Bissau para que "façam tudo" no sentido de promover o diálogo no país.

Antigo ministro das Finanças do Benim, Marcel de Souza, recentemente investido no cargo pelos chefes de Estado da CEDEAO, encontra-se à frente de uma delegação que visita a Guiné-Bissau para tentar ajudar o país a sair do impasse político que o próprio diz ser "um bloqueio institucional".

O Parlamento da Guiné-Bissau não consegue marcar uma data para o debate do programa do Governo do primeiro-ministro, Baciro Djá, com este a acusar o líder do hemiciclo de má-fé deliberada para obstaculizar o executivo.

"Queremos ajudar a que se ultrapasse esse impasse, mas o diálogo tem que partir dos guineenses", defendeu Marcel de Souza, que disse ter recebido garantias do líder do Parlamento, Cipriano Cassamá, de que está pronto para um diálogo franco.

O presidente em exercício da comissão da CEDEAO transmitiu a disponibilidade de Cipriano Cassamá ao chefe de Estado guineense, José Mário Vaz, com quem almoçou esta tarde, depois de ter estado com outros dirigentes do país.

Marcel de Souza afirmou que nem a CEDEAO possui uma "varinha mágica" para a resolução dos problemas da Guiné-Bissau, mas aconselhou a liderança do país a empenhar-se mais e, se for o caso, a envolver a sociedade civil e os chefes religiosos.

"Queremos apenas que a paz prevaleça, que a Constituição seja respeitada e que as instituições funcionam, que o Parlamento jogue o seu papel, que o Governo governe e que o Presidente exerça as suas prerrogativas", observou Marcel de Souza.

O dirigente comunitário defendeu que a Guiné-Bissau "está mal e assim não pode continuar" e ainda que o povo não pode continuar a sofrer por ter "muitos problemas" no seu quotidiano.

Marcel de Souza fez-se acompanhar do novo representante da CEDEAO na Guiné-Bissau, o marfinense Bles Diplo, que substituiu o gambiano Ussamane Cessay, que findou missão em fevereiro último.

A CEDEAO é integrada pelo Benim, Burkina Faso, Cabo Verde, Costa do Marfim, Gâmbia, Gana, Guiné-Conacri, Guiné-Bissau, Libéria, Mali, Níger, Nigéria, Senegal, Serra Leoa e Togo.

A comunidade conta atualmente com uma força de interposição composta por cerca de 700 homens, a Ecomib, instalada na Guiné-Bissau, na sequência do golpe de Estado de abril de 2012 e o presidente da comissão da organização também veio inteirar-se desse contingente. Lusa

Trovoada contra RTP África

O Governo da República Democrática de São Tomé e Príncipe vem lamentar profundamente a divulgação pela estação pública de televisão portuguesa, RTP-África, de falsas informações sobre acontecimentos que tiveram lugar em São Tomé e Príncipe, mormente relacionadas com as eleições presidenciais recentemente realizadas em São Tomé e Príncipe.


Na verdade, contrariamente às informações publicamente divulgadas pela Comissão Eleitoral Nacional e pelo Comando Geral da Polícia Nacional, a RTP África divulgou nos seus blocos informativos o seguinte:

I – Que o novo Presidente da República, Evaristo Carvalho, fora eleito apenas por 46% de votos, o que constitui uma mera apreciação parcial e subjectiva da estação, na medida em que fora provisoriamente tornado público pela Comissão Eleitoral Nacional que o referido candidato foi eleito por 82% dos votos expressos.

II. Que a manifestação do dia 4 de Agosto corrente, reclamando a anulação da primeira volta das eleições presidenciais, fora organizada pela sociedade civil, quando é de conhecimento público e notório que a mesma fora organizada pelos candidatos derrotados, com o apoio do

partido MLSTP-PSD, que apoiou uma das candidaturas vencidas, não tendo a sociedade civil nada a ver com a manifestação.

III – Que os membros da Comissão Eleitoral Nacional oriundos dos Partidos Políticos de oposição abandonaram os trabalhos da referida Comissão, numa ardilosa tentativa de desvalorizar um acto de soberania popular, fazendo eco de rumores, em detrimento das declarações do Presidente da Comissão Eleitoral Nacional, que garantiu o regular funcionamento da Comissão e a participação de todos os seus membros que, por força da lei, são eleitos e tomam posse perante o Presidente da Assembleia Nacional e não estão ao serviço dos partidos a que eventualmente pertençam ou pelo qual nutrem alguma simpatia.

Esta sistemática e acintosa divulgação de falsas informações relativas ao funcionamento das instituições democráticas do Estado Santomense e dos acontecimentos que nelas têm lugar ao abrigo da Constituição da República, são de natureza a distorcer a realidade do Regime Democrático em São Tomé e Príncipe e a acção da classe política, pelo que instamos a RTP África, estação pública de televisão portuguesa, que reponha a verdade dos factos, evitando subterfúgios que em nada favorecem a liberdade de imprensa, a harmonia política reinante no país e o primado da lei que vigoram em São Tomé e Principe.

Feito em São Tomé, aos nove dias do mês de Agosto de 2016.

 

São Tomé: Jornalista discriminado

Pela primeira vez nos últimos 41 anos de Independência Nacional, o jornal Téla Nón, teve acesso ao relato de uma história tão rocambolesca de bloqueio a liberdade de imprensa e do jornalista numa instituição pública e pertença do Estado são-tomense. Trata-se do Palácio do Governo onde funciona os Gabinetes do Primeiro Ministro e do Ministro da Presidência do Conselho de Ministros, este último que por sinal tutela o sector da comunicação social.
Pelo que o Téla Nón apurou tudo aconteceu no dia 28 de Julho último. Relatos recolhidos pelo jornal Téla Nòn indicam  que no dia 27 de Julho passado, a Delegação da RTP – África em São Tomé e Príncipe foi convidada pelo Gabinete de Imprensa do Primeiro-ministro Patrice Trovoada para dar cobertura a conferência de imprensa que o Primeiro-ministro e Chefe do Governo iria dar a comunicação social, a luz da polémica a volta das eleições presidenciais de 17 de Julho.
Abel Veiga, jornalista da Delegação da RTP- África em São Tomé e Príncipe, foi destacado pela estação televisiva para acompanhar a polémica eleitoral. O Téla Nón, sabe que o jornalista esteve no dia 25 de Julho no Palácio da Justiça onde o Presidente do Tribunal Constitucional José Bandeira, anunciou os resultados definitivos das eleições presidenciais de 17 de Julho, e interpelou o Juiz Presidente  sobre a polémica eleitoral.
No dia 26 de Julho, o mesmo jornalista foi enviado pela RTP – África para participar na conferência de imprensa dada pelo Presidente da Comissão Eleitoral Nacional, Alberto Pereira, em que vários aspectos da polémica eleitoral foram abordados, como resultado das questões colocadas pelo jornalista da RTP-África.
Dia 28 de Julho, estava assim marcada a conferência de imprensa em que Patrice Trovoada, enquanto Primeiro-ministro, iria falar sobre a polémica eleitoral e o momento político nacional.
15 minutos antes da conferência de imprensa marcada para as 11 horas de 28 de Julho, a equipa de reportagem da RTP se dirigiu ao Palácio do Governo. O jornalista Abel Veiga, de caminho para o local, orientou o seu colega de trabalho, operador de imagens,  a seguir para o mesmo local. O operador de câmara chegou em primeiro lugar ao Palácio de Patrice Trovoada.
O Jornalista que vinha na sua viatura, chegou logo depois. Estacionou o carro ao lado da carrinha da RTP, e se dirigiu ao Palácio. Na porta de entrada do edifício público, encontrou um segurança. O Jornalista informou ao segurança que ia entrar para dar cobertura à conferência de imprensa.
O segurança responde: É o Abel Veiga? Sim disse o Jornalista.
O segurança: Olha acabei de receber uma ordem de que Abel Veiga não pode entrar nesta conferência de imprensa.
Abel Veiga : Não estou cá como Abel Veiga. Vim em nome da RTP-África, o operador de imagem acabou de entrar e vou ter com ele para trabalhar.
O Segurança: Sim. Mas acabei mesmo agora de receber esta ordem de que Abel Veiga não pode entrar.
Antes que algo pior o acontecesse,  o jornalista telefonou para a redacção da delegação da RTP – África em São Tomé e Príncipe, procurando entender o que estava a passar.
Recebeu indicações da RTP para regressar a delegação. Quando chegou a redacção, foi informado de que alguns minutos antes, do seu telefonema para pedir esclarecimentos aos seus superiores sobre o bloqueio a sua entrada no Palácio do Governo, a delegação da RTP-África recebeu um outro telefonema de Albertino Fernandes, assessor de Imprensa do Primeiro Ministro Patrice Trovoada.
O assessor Albertino Fernandes informou a estação televisiva de que o jornalista Abel Veiga, não pode comparecer na conferência de imprensa do líder Patrice Trovoada.
Pelo que o Téla Nòn apurou, o Jornalista tinha questões interessantes a colocar ao Primeiro-ministro caso não fosse proibida a sua entrada no edifício público e naquela conferência de imprensa.
O Téla Nòn, deu conta que se o Gabinete de Patrice Trovoada, aceitasse a entrada do jornalista Abel Veiga no Palácio para em conferência de imprensa questionar Patrice Trovoada sobre vários aspectos relacionados com a polémica eleitoral de 17 de julho, teria sido também algo histórico.
Porque desde que é Primeiro-ministro de São Tomé e Príncipe, nunca antes Abel Veiga e outros jornalistas são-tomenses bem identificados, tiveram acesso a um face a face de perguntas e respostas com o Primeiro-ministro.
Tradicionalmente são jornalistas bem seleccionados da Rádio Nacional e da TVS, que interpelam Patrice Trovoada quando este convoca uma  conferência de imprensa.
Téla Nòn

São Tomé e Príncipe: Para não esquecer

O golpe de estado militar a que se refere este estudo ocorreu a 16 de Julho de 2003. Não foi,

contudo, a primeira intentona no país. Já em 1995 tinha ocorrido um outro golpe militar, liderado

pelo tenente Taty, tendo por finalidade reivindicações salariais. Porém, em 2003 os militares

revoltosos, capitaneados pelo major Pereira, fizeram da "miséria do povo" o principal argumento

para o golpe. Independentemente da genuinidade dos seus argumentos, os indicadores económicos

mostram que São Tomé importa quase 90% dos produtos consumidos, que quase 80% da população

vive abaixo do nível de pobreza, que o desemprego atinge 45% da população, que o salário médio

de um funcionário público é de cerca de 28 euros, que a pensão média é de cerca de 13 euros e que

80% do Orçamento de Estado resulta da ajuda internacional. O assistencialismo estatal é reduzido à

sua mínima expressão, sendo algumas ONG's a providenciarem os cuidados básicos de que a

população necessita.

Tanto no golpe de 1995 como no de 2003, a ordem constitucional foi restabelecida com relativa

rapidez em São Tomé e Príncipe, devido às pressões e movimentações internacionais. A mediação

angolana resolveu a crise de 1995, tendo sido firmado um acordo –nunca cumprido– de melhoria

das condições materiais e salariais das Forças Armadas. No golpe de 2003, a mediação da

Comunidade dos Países de Língua Portuguesa (CPLP), com especial destaque de Angola, a que se

somaram as pressões da Nigéria e dos Estados Unidos, que com Angola são os principais países

interessados no petróleo sãotomense,

bem como dos vizinhos Gabão e CongoBrazaville,

levou à

normalização constitucional em pouco mais de uma semana.

A história do golpe de 2003 pode ser resumida em poucas palavras.

O primeiro indício de desassossego notouse

a 10 de Julho. Nesse dia, a Frente da DemocraciaCristã

(FDC), partido político sem representação parlamentar ligado aos sãotomenses

que

integraram o Batalhão Búfalo sulafricano

durante o regime do apartheid e que foi acusado de estar

por trás do golpe, procurou realizar uma manifestação para exigir a demissão do Governo. A

iniciativa da FDC terá estado ligada à intenção do Governo sãotomense

de cancelar o pagamento

do subsídio mensal de integração na sociedade que tinha sido concedido aos exbúfalos.

Todavia, a

FDC aceitou adiar essa manifestação para dia 24, após negociações com o Presidente da República.

No dia 15, o Presidente Fradique de Menezes partiu para Abuja, na Nigéria, para participar numa

acção para captação de investimentos afroamericanos.

Aproveitando a ausência do Presidente, os

militares, liderados pelo major Fernando Pereira, "Cobó", desencadearam as operações golpistas na

madrugada do dia 16 de Julho. Os membros do Governo e o presidente da Assembleia Nacional

foram detidos e a primeiraministra

teve mesmo de ser hospitalizada devido a problemas cardíacos.

Os deputados também foram detidos, mas os revoltosos rapidamente os devolveram à liberdade.

Não houve qualquer derramamento de sangue. Os militares formaram nesse mesmo dia uma Junta

de Salvação Nacional, na qual participavam alguns civis, e decretaram o recolher obrigatório e a

destituição dos principais titulares de cargos políticos, incluindo o Presidente e os membros do

Governo. A 18 de Julho, a imprensa já noticiava que os militares golpistas estavam com

dificuldades para formar um prometido Conselho de Estado, capaz de conduzir o país a eleições. A

19 de Julho, a Junta aceita negociar, devido às pressões internas e externas, e aceita o regresso do

Presidente, mas como simples cidadão. Os ministros e restantes líderes políticos começam a ser

libertados.      Jorge Pedro Sousa/ Universidade Fernando Pessoa

----   Só para se ver o quanto temos andado afastados de São Tomé e Príncipe, nada ligando ao que por lá se passa

Luís Figo e os minerais

Damash Minerals is a Portuguese company, founded in 2010 whose main objective is the promotion, research and development of mining projects.
This company is part of the Damash Assets Group, whose main shareholder is the former Portuguese international Luis Figo, who decided, after finishing his football career, expand your mind and the collective experience of successful promotion and participatory development in developing countries, through investments in the mining sector enabling, through a process of mutual benefit, the various natural resources in these countries.
Damash Minerals adopted a philosophy of participatory promotion and development of local technical capabilities. The Damash Minerals, as an investor, ensures compliance with local laws and regulations.
Dedicated to the development of mining projects, Damash is taking its first steps in the West African sub-region, and is currently with important and significant mining concessions in Senegal, Guinea, Burkina Faso and ongoing installation in Mali and Mauritania.
Damash Minerals relies, among its technical staff and shareholders, with a strong team with expertise and proven relational, able to effectively and efficiently explore any project in the sector. Currently the company is consolidating its ambition to be among the leading European companies to invest in research and development sector in Africa, particularly in relation to mineral exploration for gold, iron, phosphate, Copper and Bauxite.

Senegal, amigo dos EUA

 (SBU) As the Mission and the Government of Senegal (GOS) prepare to host you, Senegal is preparing for President Abdoulaye Wade's second inauguration on April 3, 2007. The Senegalese are proud to have a predominantly Muslim democracy that preaches tolerance and visibly supports the United States in promoting peace and combating terrorism. The GOS is seeking to enhance economic growth to reinforce its prospects at the polls. Growth has remained steady at five percent over the last decade, though growth in 2006 was probably less than three percent. Despite high rates of poverty and illiteracy, Senegal retains a high degree of political stability and coherence thus enabling GOS to be a diplomatic player on a continent replete with conflicts. With U.S. training and assistance, Senegal has also become one of the world's top ten contributors of peacekeepers. 2. (SBU) Senegal aspires to become a more significant trading partner, but Senegalese producers have yet to make serious efforts to tap into the U.S. market, preferring to focus their exports on regional and European countries. The overall economic malaise, especially in the agriculture and fishing sectors, has resulted in mass illegal migration of Senegalese to the Canary Islands (and hence, the European Union), a thorny issue for the GOS. The prospect of a successful Millennium Challenge Account (MCA) Compact offers a realistic potential for breaking with the past. Senegal must improve the investment climate and push forward more vigorously with reforms to strengthen its fragile judiciary that is lacking sufficient resources and often subject to external influences. END SUMMARY. AN IMPERFECT DEMOCRACY ---------------------- 3. (SBU) Senegal is at an interesting juncture in its post-independence history. On February 25, President Abdoulaye Wade (pronounced "wahd") won 56 percent of the vote in a field of 15 candidates, with 70 percent of registered Senegalese voters going to the polls. Twice-postponed parliamentary elections are slated for June 3. In 2000 and 2007, Wade won open, peaceful and highly competitive elections due to a strong Senegalese national desire for change after nearly 40 years of Socialist Party governments. Having come under tough scrutiny and criticism for not having realized many of his campaign promises, he has undertaken major public works projects that benefited him politically. 4. (SBU) Wade and his party, the Senegalese Democratic Party (PDS), have benefited from Senegal's institutionalization of democratic values, respect for human rights, expansion of tolerance, advancement of women's rights, and freedom of expression in all its forms. As a consequence, the standards by which the performance of his government is being measured are admittedly higher than those of his predecessors, a healthy sign that the large majority of Senegalese expect and demand democratic behavior from this government. SENEGAL'S UNIQUE BRAND OF ISLAM ------------------------------- 5. (SBU) Senegal is 95 percent Muslim, and it is instinctively resistant to religious extremism. One reason for this moderation is Senegal's distinctive and flexible interpretation of Islam. Another may be its geographic position at the western edge of the Islamic world. But perhaps the principal reason is the pervasive influence of Sufi brotherhoods that are hostile to external influences that they perceive as undercutting their own stature. The majority of Senegalese identify themselves with one of the four principal Brotherhoods (Tidjane, Mouride, Qu'adria and Layenne). Religious chiefs are called marabouts. Followers or talibes are expected to attach themselves to a marabout, and this allegiance is like a feeling for a father. In many ways the marabouts have replaced the traditional village chiefs. Politicians use these affiliations to advance their policies. SENEGAL'S ECONOMY: AN ACHILLES HEEL ----------------------------------- 6. (SBU) There is general economic stability, and GDP growth averaged five percent annually for the last ten years. It likely fell to less than three percent in 2006. More than half the population lives in poverty; one-third to one-half have no reliable employment; the agricultural sector, which employs 60 percent of the population, is weak and unreliable; fishing, another big livelihood provider, has also been depressed mostly due to diminished fish stocks. Most youth see emigration as a panacea, as shown by the recent flight of thousands of Senegalese, via small and dangerous boats, to the Canary Islands -- an entry to the European Union. On a more positive note, Senegal graduated from the Highly Indebted DAKAR 00000696 002.3 OF 004 Poor Countries program. In 2005 and 2006, the IMF and the World Bank forgave over USD 1 billion in multilateral debt, potentially freeing up over USD 80 million per year for poverty reduction. Despite these successes, the business environment remains difficult. Corruption is an issue, and while Wade has said the right things about combating it, members of his own family are often rumored to demand bribes and percentages of investments. In the coming year, Senegal will face a serious budget crunch and will look to donors for assistance. Most traditional donors, for their part, are hesitant to provide budget support without greater transparency and accountability of expenditures by the GOS. CLANDESTINE MIGRATION: SOCIAL ISSUE OF THE DAY --------------------------------------------- - 7. (U) Starting in mid-May 2006, the flow of illegal African migrants landing on the shores of Spain's Canary Islands reached alarming levels. Over 27,000 illegal migrants, more than half of whom are Senegalese, were detained by Spanish authorities in 2006. Of the 27,000, more than 5,000 migrants have been repatriated to Senegal. This has generated extensive press coverage by the local and international media and became a priority for the Government. On October 10, Senegalese Foreign Minister Cheikh Tidiane Gadio and his Spanish counterpart, Miguel Angel Moratinos, signed a framework agreement paving the way for legal immigration based on Spanish job market needs. Based on the agreement, Spain will provide Senegal with up to USD 19 million annually over five years. Several other European countries and the European Commission have also donated funds and equipment to improve surveillance of the Senegalese coast and improve border enforcement. FOREIGN POLICY PRIORITIES START IN NEIGHBORHOOD --------------------------------------------- -- 8. (SBU) Senegal devotes major efforts to maintaining stability on its borders. While politically Wade has worked hard to expand Senegal's role on the continent and in world affairs, his government actually expends real resources (financial, material and humanitarian) to its near neighbors. For example, Wade has been engaged in Guinea-Bissau since the September 2003 coup d'etat. Characteristic of Senegal's regional anxieties, Wade and his government continue to express great concern over the eventual transition in nearby Guinea in light of the failing health of its leader, the potential for disruptions, and a resulting influx of refugees to Senegal. Wade traveled to Conakry earlier this month to underscore his support for the new Prime Minister and to call international attention to Guinea's plight. Also, the sometimes erratic behavior of the recently re-elected Gambian President Jammeh, who rules the strategically located strip of land that juts into Senegal, raises Senegalese concerns over The Gambia's stability. CASAMANCE CONFLICT ------------------ 9. (SBU) Internal conflict in Senegal's southernmost region of the Casamance has regional security implications because it borders The Gambia and Guinea-Bissau. In the last year, there has been an increase in fighting between factions of the Casamance separatist movement in southern Senegal and the Senegalese military. Reports of banditry in the area have also increased. At least seven civilians died and over 35 were wounded in security incidents in the Casamance in 2006. We continue to use our influence with GOS civilian and military institutions as well as with representatives of local communities in the Casamance to achieve reconciliation and a lasting resolution to the conflict. U.S. ASSISTANCE --------------- 10. (SBU) In addition to supporting the Casamance peace process, U.S. assistance to Senegal has focused on Muslim outreach, health, education, export promotion, promotion of women's rights, good governance and decentralization. Approximately 150 Peace Corps Volunteers are involved in health, education, natural resource management and micro-enterprise programs. Our model Muslim outreach program consists of assisting daaras (koranic schools), sending imams, marabouts and Islamic scholars to the United States on International Visitor programs and donating Arabic- and English-language materials to Islamic schools and libraries. The proposed MCA Compact would more than double annual U.S. aid, building an industrial platform 25 miles east of Dakar to decongest the capital, create thousands of jobs in agro-industry and other sectors, and help GDP growth to reach eight percent per annum. COMMITMENT TO REGIONAL SECURITY/COOPERATION WITH U.S. --------------------------------------------- -------- 11. (SBU) Senegal has been a loyal partner and has served as an operational base for every U.S. deployment to the region. The GOS DAKAR 00000696 003.5 OF 004 has supported the United States by deploying troops to the Gulf War, Bosnia, Haiti, Rwanda, the Central African Republic, Cote d'Ivoire, Sierra Leone, Liberia, the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC), and, most recently, Sudan. Senegal was the first African nation to sign up for the African Crisis Response Initiative (ACRI) [now the African Contingency Operations Training and Assistance (ACOTA)] program that provides military assistance and training to African militaries with the capability of participating in peacekeeping operations, principally in Africa. ACOTA complements what remains the largest International Military Education and Training (IMET) program in Sub-Saharan Africa. This has paid major dividends through the engagement of Senegalese troops in their traditional areas of interest (Cote d'Ivoire) and in areas of traditional interest to us (Liberia). THE U.S.-SENEGAL AGENDA ----------------------- 12. (SBU) For the U.S., Senegal represents our most important francophone partner in Africa. Perhaps not coincidentally, President Wade perceives himself as a good friend of President Bush. He basked in the glow of the President's visit in July 2003, his December 2004 visit to the White House, Secretary of State Rice and Secretary of Agriculture Johanns' July 2005 visits and invitations SIPDIS to two G-8 summits. For Senegal, the U.S. represents an attractive alternative to complete dependence on France. We also embody values that Wade would like to establish in Senegal, particularly economic ones. However, there is a realistic appreciation among knowledgeable Senegalese that the U.S. is not likely to supplant France as its principal partner any time in the foreseeable future. 13. (SBU) On terrorism, Senegal has been among the first African states to recognize the dangers posed to its own security by international terrorism. It has cooperated actively with the U.S. in the global war on terrorism, and Senegal has ratified 12 of the 13 key anti-terrorist conventions and protocols identified by the U.S. President Wade has also sent a set of draft laws to the Ministry of Interior that would expand the definition of terrorist acts and increase punishments for these acts. Senegal is also leading regional efforts to combat terrorist financing. Intelligence sharing and vigilance along Senegal's borders is good and continues to improve through well-established channels. We have raised our concerns with Senegal's leaders over the potential for unwanted influences from radical Muslim states, such as Iran. 14. (SBU) We continue to scrutinize Senegal's relationship with Iran, Libya, Venezuela and Cuba. Thus far, Senegal has done a good job in compartmentalizing anQmanaging those relationships to ensure that they do not act to undermine Senegal's stability. We also continue to remind Senegal's leaders that too close an embrace will not be well understood nor well appreciated in Washington. Thus far, Wade has gotten the message. With respect to the situation in Iraq, Senegal has been more neutral than during the first Gulf War. (Senegal proudly provided troops to help evict Saddam from Kuwait.) Senegal resisted French pressure to take a more critical posture, and in fact Wade publicly noted his satisfaction that Saddam had been removed from power. Since diplomatic relations were re-established in October 2005, China has been playing an increasingly visible role as a development partner, and the market share of Chinese products, especially cheap consumer goods and equipment and vehicles. Large-scale foreign investment, however, has come mostly from France, Morocco, and India INVESTMENT CLIMATE ------------------ 15. (U) Potential investors, and current businesses, are concerned about Senegal's energy situation, about the slow pace of establishing an effective and transparent judiciary that understands commercial issues, about needed education reform, especially the lack of vocational education, and about burdensome labor laws that deter hiring and make dismissals for cause difficult. Through our assistance programs and the donor community's Private Sector Working Group -- which is chaired by the U.S. Ambassador -- we are actively working with the GOS in advancing policy reforms, such as reducing the time and cost to start a business. CHILD LABOR ----------- 16. (SBU) Senegal continues to make incremental progress in addressing the worst forms of child labor, but the problem persists, primarily in the form of child begging. The GOS includes the elimination of the worst forms of child labor by 2015 as a policy priority in its overarching Poverty Reduction Strategy. Senegal's Department of Statistics and Economic Study, in conjunction with the ILO's Department of Statistics, is finalizing a major survey on the worst forms of child labor in Senegal. Scheduled to be released in DAKAR 00000696 004.3 OF 004 2007, this report is designed to provide, for the first time in Senegal, comprehensive data on the child labor situation and how it has changed over the past year. Mr. Aliou Seck, ILO-IPEC coordinator for Senegal, told us that Senegal's 2007 budget includes approximately USD 18 million for "child welfare" programs, including additional measures to address child labor issues in particular street children and beggars. At least some of this money should be available to examine fraudulent religious schools that are often a front for child begging, and to fund programs for the street children, underage domestic workers, and the sexual exploitation of children. Seck is also pursuing a 2007 GOS-IPEC program to reinforce capacity building of judges and labor inspectors, improve Senegal's legal framework (such as the discrepancy between the legal age for ending school and beginning work), reinforce the campaign against exploiting child beggars, and improve the public awareness effort, particularly among Senegal's opinion leaders. However, with an annual population growth rate of 2.3 percent, increasing demands on an already over-burdened education system (public, private, and religious), and a stagnant economy, there will be no quick solution for Senegal's child labor problems. The ILO's Seck told us recently that the establishing even a minimal program to monitor the vast problem of child domestic workers is not even on the GOS's radar screen. BOTTOM LINE ----------- 17. (SBU) Senegal under Wade is a good partner, very sympathetic to U.S. interests, and regularly seeking ways to deepen the relationship. Senegal is eager to receive critical Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) funding, and, though the GOS is eager to conclude its Compact in 2007, the due diligence required to complete the project's scope of work may push the signing date to 2008. Economically, Senegal continues to seek U.S. partners and participants to improve its economy, especially in agro-industry, telecommunications, energy and transport. Bilateral relations are very warm and continue to deepen as we expand our areas of cooperation and seek additional sectors of mutual benefit. Senegal also carefully considers potential U.S. reactions to its particular foreign policy decisions, often responding favorably when we express our concerns, or when we seek GOS support. In sum, Senegal enjoys a close identification with the United States and many of our policies and values. JACOBS   -- Wikileaks

Bissau: A escolha de Malam Bacai Sanhá

1. (SBU) SUMMARY: Guinea-Bissau's presidential election took place without major incident on June 28, 2009. All observers, including those from Embassy Dakar, agreed that the election was technically sound. Voter turnout was low, due in part to recent violence (reftel) and the re-use of voter lists compiled 12 months ago. African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde (PAIGC) candidate Malam Bacai Sanha received 39 percent of the votes cast and will face former President and Party for Social Renewal (PRS) candidate Kumba Yala, who garnered 29 percent of the vote, in a second round of balloting on August 2. END SUMMARY BACKGROUND ---------- 2. (SBU) On June 28, Guinea-Bissau held a presidential election to replace its slain former president, Joao Bernardo "Nino" Vieira. The three weeks of official campaigning were muted due to the March assassinations of Vieira and armed forces chief of staff General Tagme Na Wai and the June killings of presidential candidate Baciro Dabo and former Minister of Defense Helder Proenca. Independent candidate Pedro Infanda dropped out of the race citing a lack of security. ELECTION DAY ------------- 3. (SBU) The election took place without incident and was well-organized, well-executed and without any notable tension. PolCouns and EmbOffs observed the balloting in Bissau, Mansoa, Bissora, Bafata, Gabu, and surrounding rural areas. Although U.S. Embassy observers noticed some very minor irregularities such as improperly sealed ballot boxes, none noticed any dubious or fraudulent activities. The presence of candidates' representatives at all polling stations for the entire day, from the opening of polls to the counting of votes, helped to minimize irregularities. Additionally, observers from nations and organizations including the African Union, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the United Kingdom, and the European Union (EU) agreed that the election proceeded in a smooth and transparent manner, void of any irregularities. 4. (SBU) Although voting proceeded smoothly, voter turnout was noticeably lower than during the November 2008 legislative elections. Voter turnout was approximately 60 percent, with significant variations between regions and ethnic groups. For example, turn-out was reportedly very low among the Papel ethnic group, ostensibly because they were protesting the assassination of former president Vieira, who was Papel. The EU observation mission noted that "the climate of insecurity and fear observed mainly in the capital, Bissau, may have contributed to the voters' apathy and lack of enthusiasm during the campaign compared to past elections and to a possible increase in the level of abstention." ELECTION RESULTS ------------------ 5. (SBU) On July 2, the National Electoral Commission (CNE) announced the unofficial results. African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde (PAIGC) candidate Malam Bacai Sanha received 133,786 votes cast, or 39.5 percent. Party for Social Renewal (PRS) candidate Kumba Yala garnered 99,428 votes, or 29.5 percent. Independent candidate Henrique Rosa secured 81,751 votes, or 24 percent, thereby failing to win a spot in the second round. (NOTE: In accordance with the Bissau-Guinean electoral code, if no candidate wins more than 50 percent of the vote, the two candidates receiving the most votes will compete in a run-off election. END NOTE) On July 1, Rosa conceded defeated, congratulated Sanha and Yala, and called on all parties to accept the results. On July 2, following the release of the official results, Sanha and Yala both publicly accepted the findings of the CNE. 6. (SBU) COMMENT: Sanha's strong showing appears to be more of a result of the organizational capacity of the PAIGC political machine rather than an endorsement of the government of Prime Minister and PAIGC President Carlos Gomes Jr. Indeed, public dissatisfaction with Gomes' government combined with Yala's relentless and scathing campaign attacks on Gomes and the PAIGC, likely propelled Yala into second place. It is unlikely, however, that Yala will prevail in the second round, as most of Rosa's supporters will likely throw their support behind Sanha. END COMMENT. BERNICAT

Bissau: O assassínio de Helder Proença

(SBU) Summary: On June 5, 2009,  in the early morning, Bissau-Guinean security forces killed former Minister of Territorial Administration Baciro Dabo and National Assembly Deputy Helder Proenca. Several other alleged conspirators were taken into custody. The Ministry of Interior's intelligence service issued a statement accusing the three, along with others, of conspiring to launch a coup d'etat in the absence of the Interim President, Prime Minister, Defense Minister and other cabinet officials who are all out of the country. According to the government, Proenca and Dabo were killed while resisting arrest. The Ministry of Interior released the names of six other people wanted in connection with the alleged coup plot. End of summary. 2. (SBU) According to the GOGB, Dabo, a presidential candidate, and Proenca, a dissident of the ruling party, resisted arrest and were killed in separate shoot outs with government security personnel. (FYI - It is unclear if the arresting officials were military or civilian law enforcement. End FYI) Dabo was killed in his home. Proenca was killed in his vehicle, along with his driver and a body guard. The government announced that Robert Ferreira Cacheu, the campaign manager of presidential candidate Malam Bacai; Faustino Imbali, a former prime minister; Marciano Silva Barbeiro, former defense minister; Daniel Gomes, a former fisheries minister; Verissimo Nancassa, a businessman; and Tito Danfa, a musician, were all detained for allegedly plotting to overthrow the government. There are also several unconfirmed reports that former prime minister Imbali was killed after being taken into custody. Other reports indicate he was beaten by government security personnel and is in the hospital. In addition to the people in custody, the government announced that four military officers -- Afonso Te, Sandji Fati, Domigos Indi, and Joao Monteiro -- were wanted for their alleged role in the plot. Attorney General Dr. Louis Manuel Cabral and the Supreme Court President Maria do Ceu Silva Monteiro have reportedly taken refuge in the Angolan Embassy. The government claims that the coup plot was planned in Dakar. 3. (SBU) All of the people killed and detained are regarded as having been close to former President Joao Bernardo Vieira. Dabo, for example was responsible for Vieira's personal security during the 1998 civil war and was accused by the armed forces of having been involved in the plot to kill former Armed Chief of Staff Batista Tagme Na Wai. PolOff has received reports that more people could have been killed in the government's operation, but families are afraid to come forward and say what happened. The Senegalese Reaction ----------------------- 4. (C) Senegalese President Abdoulaye Wade convoked the U.S. and French Ambassadors, along with the European Commisstion representative and head of the United Nations Office for West Africa, to discuss the situation in Guinea-Bissau. Wade expressed concern about the situation and disbelief that the Bissau-Guinean interim president and prime minister would both be out the country at the same time. He said he called Jean Ping, the president of the African Union Commission, to say he planned to fly to Bissau to talk with the military and convoke the ministers to resolve the matter. Wade asked Ping to recruit another West African head of state to accompany him on this mission. 5. (C) The French Ambassador suggested in light of the instability and the possibility of continued violence, as well as reports that the coup plot was hatched in Dakar, it might be best for Wade to wait. Wade took the point, but insisted "we" need to do something. He believed that the Gambia might be involved in these events noting that former Navy Chief of Staff Admiral Jose Americo Bubo Na Tchuto (who is under &loose8 house arrest after being accused of plotting a coup against former President Vieira in September 2008) and former president Kumba Yala (another candidate in the upcoming Guinea-Bissau presidential elections) are both in the Gambia at the moment. Wade speculated that Interim Chief of Staff Captain Zamora Induta was colluding with the Gambia to overthrow the civilian government in Guinea-Bissau. The ambassadors cautioned against jumping to conclusions about the Gambia's role and noted that it is unlikely that Induta and Na Tchuto, who loathe one another, would be working together. Wade took the point, but insisted that having Yala and Na Tchuto in the Gambia together could constitute a threat to Bissau-Guinean stability. 7. (C) Comment: Several Bissau-Guineans told PolOff they believed that the government,s allegations of a coup attempt could be true. However, it is difficult to see how these men could have expected to be successful. Viewed as Vieira loyalists, their level of support in the armed forces is likely to have been relatively low, and without strong support in the armed forces any coup attempt would be doomed to failure. Instead, the scenario observers believe is more credible is that Colonel Antonio Indjai, the acting deputy armed forces chief of staff, nephew and protg of Na Wai and commander of the unit whose soldiers are widely believed to have assassinated President Vieira, is settling scores with the people he regards are responsible for the murder of Na Wai. 8. (C) Comment, continued: While the killings will have a direct effect on the June 28 presidential elections, for the time being post believes the elections should remain on schedule. Otherwise, the government will continue to be headed by an interim president who possesses virtually no official authority. BERNICAT 2009

PR de Portugal visita Brasil
 

 

Em São Paulo, a capital económica e financeira do Brasil, o Chefe de Estado encontra-se igualmente com empresários, com a comunidade portuguesa

O Presidente da República de Portugal, Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa, inicia esta quarta-feira uma visita de seis dias ao Brasil, onde assiste à abertura dos Jogos Olímpicos do Rio de Janeiro, deslocando-se também a São Paulo e ao Recife.

Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa vai estar no Rio de Janeiro com os atletas olímpicos portugueses, assiste ao jogo de futebol Portugal-Argentina e à cerimónia oficial de abertura dos Jogos Olímpicos, encontra-se com empresários portugueses e brasileiros e visita o Museu do Amanhã e o Museu de Arte do Rio.

Em São Paulo, a capital económica e financeira do Brasil, o Chefe de Estado encontra-se igualmente com empresários, com a comunidade portuguesa e inaugura uma exposição sobre Amália Rodrigues, designada "Saudades do Brasil em Portugal", o título de uma letra de um fado escrito para a diva portuguesa pelo poeta, cantor e compositor brasileiro Vinicius de Moraes.

No Recife, no Estado do Pernambuco, Marcelo Rebelo de Sousa visita o Real Hospital Português de Beneficência, distinguindo o seu provedor, Alberto Ferreira da Costa, com as insígnias de grande-oficial de mérito.

No Rio de Janeiro o PR vai se encontrar com os atletas olímpicos portugueses e assistir ao jogo de futebol Portugal-Argentina