Bissau: Ministro processa o Ministério Público

O ministro do Interior da Guiné-Bissau, António Suca Ntchama, acusado de ter forçado o embarque dos 74 sírios com passaportes falsos num avião da TAP, anunciou que vai apresentar uma queixa-crime contra o Procurador-Geral da República. Através de uma nota de imprensa assinada pelo seu advogado, António Suca Ntchama diz que foi vítima de difamação por parte do Procurador guineense, Abdú Mané, quando este afirmou publicamente que se teria recusado a ser detido. Em nota de esclarecimento, o Procurador-Geral da República guinenese afirmou que o diretor-geral da Polícia Judiciária, Armando Namontche, teria recusado acatar a ordem de detenção dada pelos magistrados contra o ministro Suca Ntchama. Para o advogado, em nenhuma circunstância António Suca Ntchama foi informado "nos autos" que deveria ser detido, "como relata o Procurador", e também não existe nenhum documento escrito que possa provar que o diretor da PJ se recusou a cumprir a alegada ordem. Por outro lado, o advogado de Suca Ntchama entende que mesmo havendo uma ordem de detenção, à luz da lei aplicável em casos de crime cometidos por titulares de cargos públicos, a Assembleia Nacional Popular (ANP, Parlamento) devia ser chamada a pronunciar-se sobre o levantamento da imunidade do governante, o que não foi o caso, assinalou. O advogado Basilio Sanca considera, por isso, que o Procurador-Geral da República incorreu num crime de divulgação do segredo da justiça ao admitir publicamente que o ministro do Interior, Suca Ntchama, teria agido de forma ilegal ao obrigar, via telefónica, que a tripulação da TAP levasse para Lisboa os 74 sírios. Também em nota de imprensa, a Polícia Judiciária diz que "em nenhuma circunstância" recebeu qualquer mandado de detenção ou de condução à cadeia relativa ao ministro do Interior, António Suca Ntchama, como afirmou o Procurador-Geral da República. A PJ insta Abdú Mané a tornar publico o ofício com qual solicitou a intervenção do diretor da corporação. O Procurador havia anunciado que vai mandar abrir um processo disciplinar contra o diretor da PJ, Armando Namontche, por desobediência e eventualmente um outro processo de natureza criminal Novas da Guiné-Bissau

Sudão do Sul: As dificuldades de se viver em democracia

South Sudan’s deepening conflict looks to be a tragic replay of an old, familiar story: rival African tribes killing one another in the latest round of an age-old conflict, this time made more deadly by the presence of modern automatic assault rifles and heavy weapons. It’s a narrative that confirms all that people thought they knew about Africa – that ancient, intractable tribalism once again brings a country to its knees. It's an analysis that seems to explain everything without actually telling us anything. It allows us to nod sagely, and dismiss the violence as something embedded deep in the blood of the communities now killing one another. At the same time, it excuses us from understanding what really is driving the violence. Interpreting the conflict as “tribal”, is after all, an inherently racist understanding that implies there is something primal and undeveloped about African states in general, and that South Sudan in particular is somehow being dragged down in a bloody, historical inevitability. In fact, it is an interpretation that is superficial at best, but when it drives policy and peace deals, it becomes downright dangerous. In South Sudan’s case, this particular episode had its roots in the civil war that split the greater Sudan, and created South Sudan in the first place. The causes of the war seemed pretty obvious: the black Christian south rebelled against ethno/religious domination from the Arab Muslim north. It was a narrative that played particularly well in the United States, where the south received political and financial support from two of the biggest lobbies – African Americans and the evangelical Christian churches. It also led to the only obvious solution – separate the warring ethnic groups. Problem solved. But the conflict was never really about ethnicity or religion. It is true that Arab Muslims dominate the north, and black Christians the south, but during the war thousands of southerners sought refuge in Khartoum. And Khartoum sought allies among the southern groups – including the current “rebel” leader Riek Machar. At its heart, the civil war was about politics. It was a rebellion by the periphery against the control of power and resources by a Khartoum-based elite. The late John Garang understood that. He led the Sudan People’s Liberation Army – the dominant rebel force in the south – until he died in a helicopter crash soon after signing the comprehensive peace agreement with Khartoum. But he never believed in dividing Sudan. He always argued that the south could achieve its aims through a political revolution, and that its interests were better served by remaining a part of the greater Sudan. Using ethnic patronage When he died, that vision went with him. And so did any chance of real political reform, either in Khartoum or in Juba. Because the focus of the peace negotiators was on an ethnic solution, nobody tackled the far tougher but more fundamental problem of the underlying political crisis. (And because Khartoum’s corrosive, selfish politics never changed, it triggered the Darfur crisis, and rebellions in the Nuba Mountains and Blue Nile provinces). Not only did the politics remain unchanged in Khartoum; it also remained the same in the newly independent Juba. Instead of solving the problems that triggered the war in the first place, the negotiators simply chopped them into two. There is of course an ethnic element to the crisis – the slaughter of one tribe by its rivals is plain enough to see. But for anyone who cares to look closely enough, there are enough exceptions to befuddle the notion that blood alone is enough to explain the killing. Rival warlords have never let ethnicity stop them from making deals when it suited them. The fault lies not in the DNA of the South Sudanese tribes. It lies with the political leaders who use ethnic patronage to build their power bases; or who incite their ethnic kin to carve out a geographic or political niche. In Juba, as in Khartoum, the institutions of state have centralised power around the presidency. And the political leaders who all came to power as military commanders, have continued to run politics as they did their armies – in a top-down manner, delivering orders and micro-managing control, and ruthlessly punishing dissent. Of course that is the polar opposite of the way a democracy is supposed to work. Democracies are messy things, that demand negotiation, compromise and patience. South Sudan’s oil wealth hasn’t helped, turning the business of government into more of an unseemly scramble for the money than any attempt to create a healthy functioning democracy. So ultimately, any solution that fails to change the fundamental way politics is done in South Sudan is no solution at all. If we wind up with a “power sharing” deal that papers over the structural cracks without tackling the political culture, the country will settle back into an uneasy calm but it will, inevitably, explode once again. It may take years or even decades, but it is almost guaranteed Aljazeera

RDC: Ataques originam dezenas de mortos

The Democratic Republic of Congo's army has repulsed several attacks in the capital, Kinshasa, by an "unknown terrorist group", the government says. The state TV headquarters, the international airport and a military base in the city were all targeted. The information minister said the situation was now under control and about 46 attackers had been killed. Meanwhile, the army has also clashed with unknown gunmen on the outskirts of Lubumbashi, a military spokesman said. He told the BBC that some of the attackers in Lubumbashi, the main city of DR Congo's southern mineral-rich Katanga province, had been arrested. Congolese security officers position themselves as they secure the street near the state television headquarters (C) in the capital Kinshasa, 30 December 2013 The attackers interrupted the national broadcaster during a live programme President Joseph Kabila, who won his second term in office two years ago, is touring Katanga but was not under any threat, DR Congo's Information Minister Lambert Mende told the BBC. 'Shooting everywhere' Mr Mende said the attackers at the state TV and radio headquarters had been armed with weapons such as knives, and there was "no chance of them even to maintain their positions, even for a single hour". Map "People were frightened when security personnel were firing against these attackers," the minister told the BBC's Focus on Africa radio programme after visiting the RTNC headquarters. He said the attackers numbered fewer than 100 and that the security forces had killed about 46 of them and captured about 10. On the government's side, an army colonel was killed when the attackers struck the military base, Mr Mende told the BBC. He said he understood that two staff members forced to read a statement on TV were safe. Reuters said the statement appeared to be a political message against President Kabila's government.

"Gideon Mukungubila has come to free you from the slavery of the Rwandan," said the message, according to Reuters. In 1997, Rwandan-backed troops ousted DR Congo's long-serving ruler Mobutu Sese Seko and installed Laurent Kabila - the father of incumbent leader Joseph Kabila - as president. According to Reuters, Gideon is the nickname used for religious leader Paul Joseph Mukungubila (foto) by his followers. He ran unsuccessfully for president in 2006.

Zimbabwe: Embaixadora pede asilo político

PERTH, Australia (Reuters) - Zimbabwe's ambassador to Australia has asked for political asylum just days before her term ends saying she fears for her safety if she goes home, media reported on Saturday. Jacqueline Zwambila, who is a member of Zimbabwe's opposition Movement for Democratic Change (MDC), was appointed to Australia to renew ties between the countries after a unity government was formed in Zimbabwe in 2009. MDC leader Morgan Tsvangirai shared power with veteran leader Robert Mugabe in the unity government until a July 31 election which Mugabe won. The opposition rejected the vote as fraudulent but it was largely endorsed by African observers as free and credible. "I am not going to be returning to Zimbabwe," Zwambila told Australia's Fairfax media. Zwambila said the election had been "stolen" by an "illegitimate" government and she would not feel safe going home. Zwambila, who was recalled along with other envoys after Mugabe took office again, has been accused in Zimbabwe of conduct not befitting a diplomat, media in Zimbabwe has reported. Zwambila has voiced fears of detention if she were to return home, saying she had been threatened with arrest in Zimbabwe after a court found that she owed some money to a tradesman. She denies the charge. Zwambila was not available for comment on Saturday. Australia joined the United States and Britain in questioning the credibility of the July election. A spokesman for Australia's Immigration Minister Scott Morrison said the government did not confirm or otherwise comment on any individual applications made to it. (Reporting by Morag MacKinnon; Editing by Robert Birsel)

Mali: Ex-Presidente acusado de alta traição

Le gouvernement malien a demandé que des poursuites pour "haute trahison" soient engagées contre l'ex-président Amadou Toumani Touré (ATT), accusé d'avoir laissé le nord du Mali tomber aux mains de groupes armés. "C'est sur saisine du gouvernement malien que le parquet de la Cour suprême du Mali demande à la Haute Cour de justice d'engager (des) poursuites pour 'haute trahison' contre l'ancien président Amadou Toumani Touré", a expliqué à l'AFP un membre de la Cour suprême. Selon la même source, le parquet de la Cour supême a demandé "à l'Assemblée nationale d'autoriser l'ouverture d'une enquête pour 'haute trahison'". Selon la loi malienne, c’est la Haute Cour de justice qui peut juger un président ou ex président de la République. Ses membres sont choisis parmi les députés. ATT, accusé d'avoir "détruit un outil de défense nationale" Amadou Toumani Touré, renversé en mars 2012 par un coup d'État mené par le capitaine Amadou Sanogo, est accusé d'avoir "facilité la pénétration et l’installation des forces étrangères sur le territoire national, notamment en ne leur opposant aucune résistance", a indiqué le gouvernement dans un communiqué vendredi. L'ancien président est également accusé d'avoir "détruit ou détérioré volontairement un outil de défense nationale" et d’avoir participé à "une entreprise de démoralisation de l’armée", selon le communiqué. Amadou Toumani Touré avait été renversé, après dix ans au pouvoir, par un coup d'État qui avait précipité la chute du nord du Mali aux mains de rebelles touareg et de groupes islamistes armés. >> Lire aussi : à Dakar, ATT se tait et se terre. Les jihadistes ont occupé cette région pendant neuf mois avant d'en être en partie chassés par une intervention militaire internationale lancée par la France en janvier 2013 et toujours en cours. Les putschistes avaient justifié le renversement d'ATT par l'incapacité d'un État corrompu à lutter contre la montée des périls dans le nord du pays - groupes jihadistes et criminels, rébellion touareg... (AFP)

Sudão do Sul: O Japão ofereceu munições

The Abe administration on Dec. 23 ordered a Ground Self-Defense Force unit deployed in U.N. peacekeeping operations in South Sudan to give 10,000 rounds of rifle ammunition to South Korean armed forces. The ammunition, which was provided for free through the U.N. Mission in the Republic of South Sudan (UNMISS), was the first that Japan has ever offered to the United Nations or another country. The move was treated as an "exceptional case" under Japan's Law on Cooperation for United Nations Peacekeeping Operations and Other Operations as well as the "three principles on weapons exports," which effectively bans all arms exports. To justify the supply of the ammunition, the government stressed the "urgent necessity and the highly humanitarian nature of the situation." The government's stance represents a clear break with tradition. All previous administrations repeatedly told the Diet that they did not expect Japan to be asked to supply weapons or ammunition to the United Nations under the nation's peacekeeping operations law, and that Japan would not comply if any such request were made. But now that the government has actually complied with such a request, the Diet must deliberate on this matter. The credibility of our country's legal system would be seriously shaken if any administration were allowed to get away with arbitrarily re-interpreting the laws in disregard of previous administrations' statements in the Diet. Though the Diet is currently in recess, opposition parties are demanding that this matter be debated by pertinent committees of the Diet. The government must immediately explain itself thoroughly to the Diet and the public. A close and detailed examination is necessary to determine whether the government has acted appropriately. With respect to the three principles on weapons exports, Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshihide Suga emphasized in his released statement that the government had acted out of "urgent necessity." But this is hardly a sufficient explanation. The three principles do not "anticipate" any instance of Japan providing weapons and ammunition to the United Nations. We demand that the government explain its action to our satisfaction. In its national security strategy released earlier this month, the Abe administration spelled out its intention to review the three principles on arms exports. The administration must never be allowed to use this "exceptional case" of delivery of GSDF ammo through the UNMISS as the first step toward piecemeal erosion of the arms exports ban. At the end of the day, there are too many unclear points about this "exceptional case" to verify the appropriateness of the government's decision. For instance, we don't know the circumstances under which the United Nations asked Japan for the ammo giveaway. The South Korean side said it did not request Japan's help in desperation, but what, exactly, was the situation? And what sort of discussion did the newly created National Security Council have before it decided to provide the ammunition? The government needs to answer these questions in detail. Any discrepancy between Seoul's explanation and Tokyo's could aggravate the already strained bilateral relationship. And down the road, Tokyo ought to disclose how the ammo was used. The National Security Council, whose members include the prime minister and the defense minister, is a very small organization. If the government fails to tell the public how the council discussed the matter, it cannot expect to gain widespread understanding. The last thing our country needs is for the Abe administration to get the SDF more deeply involved in international conflicts by letting the National Security Council call the shots and establish new precedents in the absence of any legal framework, and in the name of "proactive pacifism." --The Asahi Shimbun, Dec. 25

Bissau: Andam a brincar às presidenciais

Nuno Nabian, actual director-geral da Agência de Aviação Civil da Guiné-Bissau, candidatou-se esta segunda-feira, 23 de Dezembro, ao cargo de Presidente da República para as eleições gerais, agendas para o dia 16 de Março. Em declarações durante a cerimónia, Nuno Nabian assegurou que a sua candidatura não representa apenas mais uma de um guineense que, no exercício do seu direito de cidadania, decidiu candidatar-se. Neste sentido, Nabian disse que ira trabalhar com lealdade, dando o seu melhor para que a Guiné-Bissau mude de rumo e possa ser um país onde funcionam as leis e um bem-estar para todos. Apesar desta determinação, o candidato garantiu que tentou evitar ingressar na política, de forma activa. Contudo, não conseguiu resistir à tentação por parte dos seus apoiantes, tendo informado que vai contribuir, em caso da sua eleição, para salvar o país das graves crises que enfrenta e fazer face aos mais difíceis desafios. «A Guiné-Bissau não deveria no século XXI, e no mundo globalizado, estar a dever a nenhum outro país ou nenhuma outra sociedade e a nenhum outro título que seja», referiu Nuno Nabian. Assim, reconheceu que é extremamente difícil recuperar o tempo perdido. O candidato acrescentou que a sua candidatura resulta de uma análise ponderada sobre a realidade sociopolítica da Guiné-Bissau, desde a independência nacional, passando pelas constantes crises político-militares, que levaram à destruição gradual do aparelho de Estado e consequentemente à desorganização da sociedade guineense. Oficialmente, três pessoas já manifestaram a intenção de se candidatar à mais alta magistratura da Guiné-Bissau nas próximas eleições: Paulo Gomes, Tcherno Djalo e Nuno Gomes Nabian. ---------Novas da Guiné-Bissau---- É evidente que tudo isto é uma brincadeira e que ninguém está certo de que se concretizem eleições antes do fim de Março. A Guiné-Bissau encontra-se num estado caricato.

Sudão do Sul: A luta pelo petróleo

JUBA, Dec 26 (Reuters) - Rebels in South Sudan have seized some oil wells and may damage them, the petroleum ministry said, as African leaders met President Salva Kiir to try to mediate an end to nearly two weeks of fighting in the world's newest state. Kenya's President Uhuru Kenyatta and Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn spoke with Kiir in the capital Juba amid fears that violence in South Sudan could mount and plunge the country into an ethnic-based civil war. "The meeting with the president (Kiir)...was very constructive and very candid," Ethiopian Foreign Minister Tedros Adhanom told reporters. It was not clear whether the delegation also met the rebel leader, former vice president Riek Machar. The violence which erupted in the capital Juba on Dec. 15 has quickly spread to oil producing regions and beyond, dividing the landlocked country of 10.8 million along ethnic lines of the Nuer - Machar's people - and the Dinka to whom Kiir belongs. Petroleum Minister Stephen Dhieu Dau said rebels loyal to Machar, who was sacked by Kiir in July, have captured oil wells in Unity state, where production was shut down earlier this week due to fighting. "Some oil wells are in the hands of rebel soldiers loyal to former vice president Riek Machar and we fear they may cause damage to the facilities and the environment," Dau told Reuters. Rebels and government troops also clashed in the capital of the major oil producing state, Upper Nile, for the third day in a row, army spokesman Philip Aguer said. "They control half of the (Malakal) town and government troops control the other half. They will be defeated soon," Aguer said by telephone. The United Nations said fighting was taking place in half of South Sudan's 10 states. Dau said oil output, which fell by nearly a fifth to 200,000 barrels per day when Unity state oil fields shut down, has not been affected by clashes in Malakal. Most of South Sudan's oil is pumped in the Upper Nile region. The United Nations said on Thursday about 58,000 civilians have sought refuge in its compounds across South Sudan, a country which gained independence from Sudan in 2011. The U.N. said it hoped within the next 48 hours to begin receiving critical reinforcements of military hardware and personnel for its overstretched peacekeeping mission. China, which has significant oil interests in South Sudan, said on Thursday it would send its special envoy for Africa to help bring about talks between Kiir and Machar. "China is highly concerned about the evolving situation in South Sudan," Foreign Minister Wang Yi said. Western powers and east African states, keen to prevent more chaos in a fragile region, have not been able to get Kiir to meet Machar, who told Reuters on Monday he was "in the bush". (Writing by Drazen Jorgic; Editing by Anthony Barker)

OS EUA metidos na grande confusão líbia

Quatre militaires américains en mission de sécurité en Libye ont été brièvement détenus vendredi par les autorités de Tripoli, avant d'être libérés, a annoncé le département d'État. "Les quatre militaires américains qui étaient détenus par le gouvernement libyen ont été remis en liberté", a écrit dans un bref communiqué la porte-parole de la diplomatie américaine, Jennifer Psaki, laquelle avait annoncé deux heures plus tôt la détention des quatre soldats. "Nous continuons d'essayer d'établir les faits relatifs à cet incident", a dit Mme Psaki. "Lorsqu'ils ont été placés en détention, ces quatre militaires opéraient dans une zone proche de Sabratha (60 km à l'ouest de Tripoli) dans le cadre de nos efforts de préparation en matière de sécurité", a détaillé la porte-parole. D'après le New York Times, citant des responsables américains, les quatre militaires faisaient partie de l'équipe de sécurité de l'ambassade des États-Unis à Tripoli et travaillaient sur des scénarios pour une éventuelle évacuation d'employés gouvernementaux américains en Libye. Les États-Unis ont été la cible en septembre 2012 d'une attaque armée contre leur consulat à Benghazi, dans l'est de la Libye, qui a coûté la vie à l'ambassadeur américain et à trois autres agents. Début décembre, un enseignant américain avait été tué par balles dans cette même ville de Benghazi. Ces deux attaques ont été imputées à des groupes islamistes armés. Depuis la chute du régime de Mouammar Kadhafi en 2011, les autorités de transition en Libye peinent à mettre en place une armée et une police professionnelles leur permettant d'asseoir leur pouvoir et de maintenir l'ordre dans ce pays, où les milices font la loi. Lutter contre les violences des milices Fin novembre, le secrétaire d'État américain John Kerry et son homologue britannique William Hague avaient reçu à Londres le Premier ministre libyen Ali Zeidan et s'étaient engagés à aider son pays à lutter contre les violences des milices. Le Pentagone avait annoncé au même moment que l'armée américaine se préparait à former 5.000 à 8.000 soldats libyens en Bulgarie pour aider Tripoli à mettre en place une armée professionnelle. Mais les États-Unis et la Libye ont également un contentieux depuis début octobre lorsque des forces spéciales américaines ont interpellé à Tripoli le Libyen Abou Anas al-Libi, membre présumé d'Al-Qaïda et accusé d'être impliqué dans des attentats contre les ambassades américaines en Tanzanie et au Kenya en 1998. L'homme a été transféré aux États-Unis et est détenu à New York. Tripoli a dénoncé sa capture, estimant qu'il s'agissait d'un enlèvement, et a affirmé ne pas avoir été prévenu. Nous attachons de l'importance à notre relation avec la nouvelle Libye. Nous avons un partenariat stratégique, fondé sur des intérêts communs, et nous appuyons avec force la transition démocratique historique de la Libye, a assuré la porte-parole du département d'État. (AFP)

Bissau: Eleições em data incerta

"O governo de facto oriundo do golpe de Estado de 2012 nunca escondeu a enorme irritação que lhe causou o facto de Portugal não lhe ter reconhecido legitimidade política. O trauliteiro Fernando Vaz é o ponta de lança que dá corpo a essa enorme irritação. O governo oriundo do golpe militar sabe bem o quão importante é o papel de Portugal. Por isso a posição do Governo português tem sido uma espécie de espinha atravessada na garganta. "Neste jogo, em que a paciência conta muito, o desgaste não é homogéneo e equitativamente distribuído. Portugal pode conviver tranquilamente com o arrastar da situação, o que não é o caso do governo de facto de Bissau. À medida que se vai esgotando a paciência da CEDEAO -- o último presidential statement do secretário-geral da ONU dá algumas pistas nesse sentido -- o governo oriundo do golpe vai perdendo espaço de manobra, ficando cada vez mais isolado e dependente dos poucos apoios que lhe restam. "As eleições, entretanto, poderão voltar a deslizar no calendário. A confirmar-se, a reacção da comunidade internacional será inevitável. Este governo de facto está num beco com uma saída muito estreita. O primeiro-ministro de Bissau sabe isso, Fernando Vaz também, só alguns idiotas úteis portugueses é que parecem não ter ainda percebido o que para os golpistas foi claro desde a primeira hora". Publicada por Paulo Gorjão no Bloquítica

Mao nasceu há 120 anos

ADMIRERS of Communist China's founder Mao Zedong celebrated the 120th anniversary of his birth on Thursday with noodles and fireworks, as President Xi Jinping carefully marked the occasion by visiting the controversial leader's preserved corpse. Mao - the founder of the People's Republic who led the country for 27 years until his death in 1976 - commands reverence among many Chinese but also condemnation by critics who say his disastrous political and economic campaigns led to tens of millions of deaths. The ruling Communist Party has sought to balance praising the so-called Great Helmsman - from whom the legitimacy of its leadership derives - while also acknowledging that he made "mistakes". At the same time Mao has emerged as a rallying point for those discontented with the stark inequality and widespread corruption that have accompanied China's market-led boom. Thousands stood through the night near his childhood home in Shaoshan, in the central province of Hunan, where fireworks streaked the sky above a giant statue of him. "Mao was a great leader of the Chinese nation, he was a perfect person and for us young people he is someone to learn from," said Jiang Qi, aged 33, a construction company employee, as others cried "Long live Chairman Mao". The East is Red At least 100 self-described "Red Internet friends", a group of activists to the left of the current Communist Party leadership, were present, some waving home-made red flags and shouting for "the downfall of American imperialism". Several said that police detained pro-Mao activists from different provinces to prevent them attending the anniversary, underscoring the challenge faced by China's leaders. "The police have intercepted many, many of us," said a man surnamed Wei, who held a banner with Mao's face and did not wish to give his full name for fear of reprisals. "The government is not as upright as Chairman Mao, so they are afraid, they are all corrupt," he added. Some of the celebrations had religious overtones, with pilgrims burning fragrant incense, bowing and calling for blessings from the late leader.

O ridículo de Bissau como entreposto de cidadãos sírios

É lamentável que diferentes órgãos da comunicação social publiquem declarações de pessoas tais como o ministro guineense da Presidência, Fernando Vaz, sem as contestarem ou complementarem. Não está certo o ministro vir dizer em Lisboa que é uma coisa normal dezenas e dezenas de sírios procurarem, desde há mais de sete meses, entrar em Portugal com recurso ao voo Bissau-Lisboa. O caminho mais rápido da Síria para Portugal é pela Turquia, pela Grécia, pela Itália, pela Espanha ou por Marrocos. De forma alguma pela Guiné-Bissau. Se os sírios vêm por Bissau é porque só lá são aceites em aviões com destino a Lisboa. E não em Atenas ou em Casablanca. Como é que se compreende que sírios que estejam aqui ao pé da porta, em Marrocos, desçam até Bissau para depois serem enfiados em aviões da TAP, rumo a Lisboa? Só se poderá compreender se se explicar que muitas pessoas com poder em Bissau são corruptas e vendem vistos e facilidades de entrada em aviões portugueses. É esta anomalia de se ir do Médio Oriente à África Ocidental para depois se alcançar a Península Ibérica que televisões e outros órgãos de informação nem sempre estão a explicar, limitando-se a actuar como

meras caixas de ressonância de qualquer disparate dito por um ministro guineense de um Governo de Transição. Aliás, como é que Portugal deixa entrar aqui ministros de um Governo que resultou de um golpe de estado, que afastou o legítimo Presidente interino e o Governo constitucional? Se a União Europeia não reconhece este Governo de que faz parte Fernando Vaz, como é que o dito cujo pode vir aqui passar uns dias em Portugal e insultar, inclusive, o Presidente da República Portuguesa? Não se compreende que haja televisões a dar tempo de antena a pessoas que impediram um acto eleitoral de ir até ao fim e que estão agora a protelar o mais possível a concretização de nova ida às urnas. O que ressalta de tudo isto é que, apesar de tudo, os militares golpistas guineenses e os políticos a eles associados ainda têm amigos em Portugal, que lhes facilitam a vida, mesmo contra o que é o discurso oficial. Gostaria de ver a Comunicação Social explicar devidamente as coisas, de forma mais detalhada, sem se ficar pela reprodução das declarações de A, B ou C. Jorge Heitor

RCA: Dezenas de cadáveres pelas ruas

BANGUI, Dec 26 (Reuters) - Red Cross workers have recovered 44 bodies from the streets of Central African Republic's capital Bangui, they said on Thursday after inter-religious fighting in the last two days. Six Chadian peacekeepers have also been killed in the former French colony, while judicial authorities said they had uncovered a mass grave with 30 bodies, many of them showing signs of torture, near a military base used by Seleka rebels. The rebels seized power in March, unleashing a wave of looting and killing on the mostly Christian population. Thousands of French and African troops have struggled to contain a flare-up in violence in the last week. The mostly Muslim Seleka and Christian self-defence militias have carried out tit-for-tat attacks on each other and on the local population. Georgios Georgantas, head of an International Committee of the Red Cross delegation, said the 44 bodies were probably only a fraction of those killed in Bangui in the last two days given that his team had been unable to go into parts of the city. "Violence has been at extremely high levels," Georgantas told Reuters by telephone. "We have information about more bodies in certain parts of town which we have been unable to access because the fighting was so intense." A representative of medical charity Medecins Sans Frontieres at Bangui's main hospital said it had seen more than 50 people since Wednesday night with gunshot or machete wounds from the fighting which raged for hours across Bangui. A spokesman for the African Union peacekeeping mission (MISCA) said Chadian peacekeepers were attacked by gunmen in the Gabongo neighbourhood near the airport on Wednesday. "The number of Chadian soldiers killed has risen to six because one of them died from his wounds this morning," Elio Yao told Reuters. He could not give a precise total for the number of African peacekeepers killed so far in the crisis. Two French troops were killed just days after Paris deployed a 1,600-strong peacekeeping mission in its former colony in early December under a U.N. mandate to protect civilians. U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon said in a statement on Thursday that he was appalled by the continued violence, including the reports of dozens more bodies found on the streets of Bangui. Ban also said he was saddened by the deaths of the six peacekeepers. "Their mission is to provide desperately needed security. They are not part of the conflict between Central Africans," he said. The violence eased on Thursday as French peacekeepers took up positions on main roads near the airport and in troubled neighbourhoods, although sporadic shooting was reported in several areas during the morning. Many say the bloodshed has little to do with religion in a nation where Muslims and Christians long lived in peace. Instead, they blame a political battle for control over resources in one of Africa's most weakly-governed states. MASS GRAVE Bangui's Public Prosecutor Ghislain Gresenguet said authorities on Wednesday discovered some 30 bodies clustered near the Roux military camp by a hill on the edge of Bangui. The corpses were scattered over a 200-metre (yard) area. "Some of the bodies were tied up. Others had big gashes and wounds which showed that they had been tortured," Gresenguet told Radio France International. "They were likely killed somewhere else and dumped there." The Christian militia, known as 'anti-balaka' which means anti-machete in the local Sango language, accuse Chadian forces of supporting the Seleka rebels. Chad strongly denies this. MISCA's commanding officer, Martin Tumenta Chomu, said on Tuesday Chadian troops would be moved outside the capital to northern Central African Republic. The 4,000-strong MISCA force is scheduled to reach 6,000 soldiers by the end of January. Colonel Gilles Jaron, spokesman for the French military, said France was deploying troops to flashpoints in the city, such as the Gabongo and Bacongo neighbourhoods. France's force, code-named Sangaris, has between 1,000 and 1,200 men in Bangui, with the rest deployed in the interior. "The Sangaris force has not been the target of coordinated attacks. We are the target of sporadic shooting which we respond to each time," he said. U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon is drafting plans for a possible U.N. peacekeeping mission in Central African Republic. (Additional reporting by Marine Pennetier in Paris, Daniel Flynn in Dakar and Michelle Nichols in New York; Writing by Daniel Flynn; Editing by Hugh Lawson and Ruth Pitchford)

Bissau: Sírios seguem para Lisboa desde Maio

Ministro guineense ataca posição do MNE e da TAP sobre os incidentes do voo que transportou 74 sírios para Lisboa. E garante que Bissau "não sacudiu a água do capote". Hugo Franco/Expresso O ministro da Presidência da Guiné Fernando Vaz encontra-se em Lisboa em visita particular e falou ao Expresso sobre o "voo dos sírios" Tiago Miranda O ministro da Presidência da Guiné Fernando Vaz encontra-se em Lisboa em visita particular e falou ao Expresso sobre o "voo dos sírios" "É uma expressão infeliz. Tal como foram infelizes as declarações de Machete, recentemente, em relação a Angola", afirmou hoje ao Expresso ministro da Presidência da Guiné Fernando Vaz, que se encontra em Lisboa. O ministro guineense ataca assim as declarações recentes do ministro dos Negócios Estrangeiro, Rui Machete, que esta semana considerou "inaceitável" o embarque forçado dos 74 refugiados, alegadamente de nacionalidade síria, no avião da TAP, dia 10, do aeroporto de Bissau em direção a Lisboa. O governante de 58 anos, que é o porta voz do Governo de transição da Guiné, também não percebe a razão de ser do ultimato feito por Portugal, que pede garantias a Bissau para que casos semelhantes não voltem a acontecer naquele aeroporto. "É preciso lembrar que este foi um incidente comercial. Mas parece que está a mexer muito com os políticos portugueses. É um disparate pedir que haja condições no aeroporto, quando ele temos o parecer positivo das autoridades internacionais de aviação", declarou ao Expresso. "Não sacudimos a água do capote" Fernando Vaz diz ainda não entender a razão "de tanto alarido" com este voo dos 74 refugiados, comparativamente com outros dois, realizados em maio e em agosto, que levaram de Bissau para Lisboa dois grupos de refugiados da mesma nacionalidade: o primeiro com 39 passageiros e o segundo com 15. "Desses nunca ninguém falou." Sobre as conclusões do inquérito promovido pelas autoridades da Guiné Bissau ao voo da TAP, frisa que foram realizadas em "apenas seis dias, sob enorme pressão interna e externa". E garante que "ninguém sacudiu a água do capote". Segundo o responsável, houve uma admissão de culpa "de alguma autoridade da Guiné", bem como da transportadora portuguesa. "A TAP tem também culpas neste processo", conclui. Apesar de demissionário, António Suka Ntchama, o ministro do Interior da Guiné que terá exigido que os 74 passageiros embarcassem para Portugal "por motivos de segurança nacional", não saiu (pelo menos por enquanto) do ministério. "Continua a ser ministro do Interior", garante Fernando Vaz.

Bissau: Assembleia Consultiva com nome de Senado?

Urge criar soluções que possam dar à Guiné-Bissau uma nova fase de paz social. Um país em construção apresenta um grupo de vantagens e, ao mesmo tempo, de desvantagens que reside na fragilidade das instituições do Estado. No caso da Guiné-Bissau, temos uma identidade coletiva construída em torno de grupos e de etnias, alguns deles transnacionais, cimentada essa identidade nos próprios processos de independência e na construção de uma vontade comum de daí construir um Estado. No momento presente parece não carecer de grande demonstração a verificação da fragilidade das instituições do Estado guineense. Da mesma forma as sucessivas lutas, por vezes violentas, entre lideranças políticas demonstra também a inadaptação da aplicação de um modelo político ocidentalizado a uma realidade cultural muito específica. O desenvolvimento e instalação, nos últimos anos, de rotas de narcotráfico, é "apenas" um dos muitos corolários lógicos correspondentes a um duplo processo que se cruza no tempo:1) Por um lado, as instituições tradicionais, ancestrais e agregadoras do coletivo não só se vão erodindo como não encontram direta cama nem reflexo no Estado ocidentalizado;2) Por outro, as instituições e as lideranças de um modelo político constitucional não conseguiram um lugar na estrutura social que as legitime como óbvias, que as apresente como naturais, que as torne verdadeiramente emanadas e ao mesmo tempo dirigidas para a população. Neste quadro, urge criar soluções que quebrem este ciclo vicioso podendo dar à Guiné-Bissau uma nova fase de paz social. Mais que reforço das polícias de administração interna, mais que o reforço das competências do Exército, mais que colaboração de tropas internacionais, torna-se imperativo recriar a ligação da população à sua ideia de nação e ao Estado, criando mecanismos de regulação do poder político e, acima de tudo, de representatividade das instâncias secularmente agregadoras dos indivíduos. A criação de uma assembleia consultiva que surgisse de dentro das instituições que ao longo dos séculos construíram as diversas identidades da Guiné poderia afirmar-se como um patamar fundamental de recriação de elos entre a população e as suas elites, contornando toda a desconfiança e instabilidade que tem reinado em torno de qualquer processo político guineense. Nesta assembleia consultiva, que se poderia designar por Senado, deveriam estar representados todos os grupos que possibilitam dar à Guiné a coesão que está para além dos pequenos ciclos políticos, ou até mesmo a continuidade em momentos de revolução. As lideranças tribais e religiosas afirmam-se desde há milhares de anos como os polos de unidade social e aqui, na Guiné, deveriam ser a base desta instituição onde a representatividade não se obtém pelo voto, mas sim pela identidade coletiva. Poderiam ter assento neste Senado pelo menos três grupos de indivíduos que se movem num tempo mais longo que o imediato tempo do jogo político:1) líderes tribais;2) líderes religiosos;3) líderes e antigos líderes de câmaras profissionais (comércio, indústria, ordens profissionais, etc.) Obviamente, a criação de uma instituição como a aqui apontada implicaria o seu sólido estabelecimento no articulado da Constituição, e deveria ter como base do seu processo de estabelecimento um debate nacional que conduzisse a um amplo consenso. Só num processo que recupere a ligação da população aos seus vectores de identidade se pode dar à Guiné uma porta para que entre o passado e o futuro se construam oportunidades para as novas gerações. A capacidade cada vez mais sólida das novas gerações deve ser consolidada politicamente através de uma “religação” ao que une as gentes e as torna habitantes de um lugar, ao que dá sentido a um colectivo que vê na comunidade um caminho comum. Autores: Paulo Mendes Pinto, Rui Lomelino de Freitas e Fernando Catarino FONTE: PÚBLICO

Posição do Presidente do Chade quanto à situação no Darfur

Discurso do Presidente Idriss Deby Itno: "...le Tchad est un pays doublement enclavé tant de l’intérieur que de l’extérieur. Ce qui constitue un sérieux handicap pour son développement. C’est ainsi que nous avons décidé, pour pallier, ce désenclavement, de nous ouvrir vers le Soudan à partir du Port-Soudan. Cela nécessite des investissements importants dans le domaine des infrastructures ferroviaires, routières permettant au Tchad, de se désenclaver. Nous avons aussi fait, le tour d’horizon de toutes les questions touchant notre environnement, caractérisé aujourd’hui par un désordre complet. Comme vous le savez, le sud-soudan vient de basculer dans la guerre civile. Il en est de même pour la République centrafricaine et nous ne savons pas, ce qui va se passer en Egypte, ce qui va se passer en Libye et au-delà de notre voisinage. Il y a aussi, la situation au Mali dont le problème n’est pas encore réglée ; la situation au Nigeria avec Bokou-haram. Donc, la paix au niveau de la sous-région et de l’Afrique en général a été au centre de nos préoccupations. Nous avons évoqué, bien évidemment, la question du Darfour. Car vous savez, la paix au Soudan, c’est aussi la paix au Tchad. La stabilité au Soudan, c’est aussi la stabilité au Tchad. J’ai bénéficié d’une manière très fraternelle, de la confiance totale de mon frère, le Président Oumar Hassan El-Béchir à qui, je dois trop. Si nous avons eu à jouer, un rôle important dans la situation au Darfour, c’est grâce à sa confiance qui nous a permis, d’une manière très modeste, d’apporter notre contribution, pour faire en sorte que les uns et les autres, reviennent à la raison , regagnent leur pays, le Soudan et évitent tout ce mal fait aux populations soudanaises qui sont exposées, devenues soit des réfugiées soit des déplacées. Il appartient aussi à nos frères et sœurs du Darfour, d’aider le processus de manière à ce que la paix revienne dans leur pays. La rencontre d’Amdjarass a été peut-être mal comprise par certaines personnes qui n’ont pas cerné, le fond du problème mais seulement la forme. Nous n’avons pas seulement œuvré pour une réconciliation Zaghawa avec le Président El-Béchir.Le fond de cette rencontre est un élément essentiel pour la paix globale dans le Darfour. En nous mettant aujourd’hui, face à mes frères et sœurs du Darfour le Président El-Béchir me donne une occasion de leur lancer, ce message de cœur, ce cri de cœur pour que les Darfouriens se ressaisissent et pour que tous ceux, qui détiennent encore des armes puissent les abandonner, cesser de verser du sang et regagner la mère patrie en vue de contribuer, au développement du Soudan. Ce qui va amoindrir, les peines de leurs compatriotes, de leurs frères, leurs filles, leurs sœurs, leurs mères refugiés ou déplacés. Ils doivent réparer ce préjudice en renonçant totalement, à la violence. Il appartient aux Darfouriens des différentes communautés, de faire tout ce qui est nécessaire pour parvenir à une cohabitation pacifique et permettre, un retour à la normale au Darfour. C’est cela, la clé du développement. Il ne peut y avoir, un développement, dans le désordre ;il ne peut y avoir, de développement dans le sang ;il ne peut y avoir de développement, dans la déchirure. Avec les dispositions prises par le Président El-Béchir, ils ont tout intérêt, de transformer le Darfour, en matière de développement. Des partenaires extérieurs sont disposés à injecter, des milliards de dollars pour la reconstruction du Darfour. Il faut que les Darfouriens saisissent, cette occasion pour se mettre, au service de leur pays, le Soudan. Le Soudan, ce grand pays d’Afrique, doit jouer un rôle important dans le devenir de l’Afrique ; l’Afrique de demain. Nous Africains, nous les voisins du Soudan ; nous avons besoin que ce grand pays soit en paix. Nous avons besoin d’une stabilité totale au Soudan. Que les enfants du Soudan puissent s’entendre totalement ». Site Officiel de la Présidence de la République - http://www.presidencetchad.org/affichage_news.php?id=812&titre=

RCA: Como no Ruanda em 1994

By Bate Felix and Paul-Marin Ngoupana BANGUI, Dec 26 (Reuters) - Mariam watched in horror as militiamen burst through the gate of her home in Central African Republic's capital Bangui and demanded her husband say whether he was Muslim. When he said yes, they shot him dead. "They killed him just like that in front of our child," said Mariam, who fled through the back door. "Then they hacked and clubbed our neighbours, a husband and wife, to death." The two-day frenzy of violence in Bangui this month fed fears that Central African Republic was about to descend into religious warfare on a scale comparable to Rwanda's 1994 genocide. More than 1,000 people were killed, according to Amnesty International, as mostly Muslim fighters from the Seleka rebel group that seized power in March retaliated against Christians. The slaughter prompted France to immediately deploy 1,600 troops under a U.N. mandate to protect civilians. Religious leaders had sounded the alarm over abuses by the Seleka after they burned churches, looted and killed during their southward march on the capital early this year. The violence has displaced some 700,000 people so far. Many in the country insist that the origins of the bloodshed have little to do with religion, in a nation where Muslims and Christians have long lived in peace. Instead, they blame a political battle for control over resources in one of Africa's weakest-governed states, split along ethnic faultlines and worsened by foreign meddling. "We carried out these attacks because we have been invaded by foreigners by Chad and Sudan," said Hercule Bokoe, a member of the militia, known as "anti-machete" and set up for self defence before the Seleka rebels arrived. He said his group's aim was purely political: it would fight on until Seleka leader Michel Djotodia, installed as interim president, left power. "We said to ourselves that the country cannot continue to be held hostage by foreigners," Bokoe told Reuters. "POLITICAL CONFLICT" Rich in diamonds, timber, gold, uranium and even oil, Central African Republic has been racked by five coups and numerous rebellions since independence from France in 1960 as different groups fought for control of state resources. That - and spillover from conflicts in neighbouring Democratic Republic of Congo, Sudan and Chad - have destroyed the rule of law, leaving a phantom state with an ill-disciplined army, corrupt administration and a lawless interior. Djotodia and other Seleka leaders launched their uprising to gain access for northern peoples to resource wealth - particularly oil being exploited in their northern homeland by the China National Petroleum Corporation. Djotodia says his northern Gula tribespeople - Muslim pastoralists neglected both under French colonial rule and post-independence governments - were betrayed by former President Francis Bozize, who sought their aid for a 2003 coup but surrounded himself with his Gbaya tribe once in power. With support from battle-hardened Chadian and Sudanese fighters, many of them also Gulas, Seleka swept southward, overrunning not only Bozize's poorly equipped troops but also a South African peacekeeping force in March. Once in Bangui, unable to speak French or the local Sango language, Seleka fighters sought out Arabic-speaking Muslims and stayed with them, often hoarding looted goods in their homes. Non-Muslims equated this with complicity, said Archbishop of Bangui Diedonne Nzapalainga, with the devastating effects seen in the early December violence. "To non-Muslim locals, Muslim now equals Seleka and Seleka equals Muslim," said Nzapalainga, who for months has worked with Muslim clerics to try to calm rising religious tensions. "We came out early and declared that this conflict was not a religious conflict but a political one." "CHAD IS THE MASTER" Djotodia, 64, waged an unsuccessful uprising against Bozize in the late 2000s using a network of Sudanese and Chadian support he had established during his time as consul in Nyala in Sudan's southern Darfur region earlier that decade. But a rift between Bozize and his main military backer, Chadian President Idriss Deby, shifted the balance of power in Djotodia's favour. Deby, who had helped install Bozize as president in the 2003 coup, withdrew his Chadian presidential guard last year. Witnesses said Chadian peacekeepers simply stood aside when Seleka troops - led by a former member of Deby's own presidential bodyguard - marched on Bangui. As Bozize's replacement in the presidential palace, it is now Djotodia who enjoys the protection of Chadian bodyguards. Many in the capital say ethnic ties between the Seleka and Chadian soldiers participating in a 3,700-strong African Union peacekeeping mission (MISCA) are complicating efforts to resolve the crisis. Residents in Bangui have accused Chadian troops of supplying Seleka fighters, turning a blind eye to their activities, and even attacking Christians themselves. Olivier Domanga, a resident of northern Bangui, said Chadian troops distributed dozens of weapons to Muslim inhabitants of his neighbourhood. "Chad is the master of Seleka and Seleka is its attack dog," said Philomon Dounia, another Bangui resident. Chad says its peacekeepers are neutral and denies supporting Seleka or distributing weapons to Muslims. After opposition politicians and civil society activists demanded the Chadians' withdrawal, MISCA's commanding officer, Cameroon's Martin Tumenta Chomu, said on Tuesday they would be moved outside the capital to northern Central African Republic. WORST EVER LOOTING Even in a country inured to rebellions, Seleka's atrocities have proved shocking. It has been exacerbated the lack of a command structure in the loose coalition, whose name means 'alliance' in Sango. Warlords carved up territory where they had the power of life and death as they sought to extort money, particularly from non-Muslims. Acknowledging he was powerless to control the fighters in a country the area of France, Djotodia announced the official dissolution and disarmament of Seleka following outcry from the international community, but this had little effect. As Seleka torched villages and massacred entire populations, the "anti-machete", or "anti-balaka" - initially local militias paid to defend crops and cattle against robbers and highwaymen due to the absence of state security - began seeking revenge. According to local animist beliefs, members of the militia have magical powers that protect them, and amulets they wear make them invincible. "The anti-balaka have nothing to do with the church or Christianity. Calling them a Christian militia is wrong," said Nzapalainga, who said the ranks of the militia were swollen by people who had lost belongings or loved ones to Seleka. "To them, it is revenge. I have heard people say this is the 'return match'," he said. Louisa Lombard, an anthropologist specialising in Central Africa Republic, said tensions between Muslims and Christians had increased over the past decade but this was due largely to the success of Muslim traders with contacts in Chad and Sudan, rather than a rise of religious extremism. "It is more an issue of the Muslims being considered foreigners by the Christians," she said. Despite these tensions, many Central Africans are proud of their tolerance and tradition of cohabitation and inter-marriage.

Bissau: Washington denuncia impunidade e falta de segurança

O Departamento de Estado dos Estados Unidos da América (EUA) anunciou que quer ver a Guiné-Bissau a cumprir o processo eleitoral dentro dos prazos. "Os Estados Unidos instam o Governo da Guiné-Bissau a seguir fielmente o calendário anunciado para preparação das eleições de 16 de março de 2014, incluindo um recenseamento eleitoral credível e atempado", refere uma declaração do porta-voz do Departamento de Estado, divulgada na segunda-feira na Internet. A administração norte-americana justifica o pedido, considerando que a realização de eleições gerais (legislativas e presidenciais) bem-sucedidas e dentro dos prazos é uma meta essencial com vista "à reconciliação nacional, democracia e reformas económicas". Os EUA pedem aos dirigentes guineenses garantias de que "não haverá mais atrasos". A declaração vai mais longe e apela às autoridades para que façam "urgentemente" melhorias nas "condições de segurança" e no combate à "impunidade", de maneira a promover um ambiente seguro "para eleitores e candidatos". "Esperamos que os ministros do Interior e da Defesa e que o Chefe do Estado Maior das Forças Armadas assegurem que as forças de segurança respeitam o Estado de Direito, a autoridade civil e os direitos humanos", refere a declaração. Novas da Guiné-Bissau

Bissau atribui culpas do atraso...a Timor-Leste!

O Governo de transição responsabilizou, esta segunda-feira, 23 de Dezembro, o Executivo de Timor-Leste pelas dificuldades que se enfrentam no processo de recenseamento eleitoral, em curso na Guiné-Bissau desde 1 de Dezembro. Em comunicado , assinado pelo Director-Geral do Gabinete Técnico de Apoio ao Processo Eleitoral (GTAPE), Cristiano Na Bitan, está justificado que os materiais doados por Timor-Leste à sua equipa chegaram «tardiamente» ao país e são «insuficientes». O responsável do GTAPE adiantou que o atraso na chegada e a insuficiência de «kits» eleitorais alteraram profundamente o plano da instituição para a distribuição dos mesmos, que já tinha sido elaborado e que seria executado em simultâneo em todas as regiões do países e sectores, sem descriminação de prazo ou quantidade. Cristiano Na Bitan disse ainda que estes atrasos tiveram influência na formação dos agentes recenseadores, que durou apenas 24 horas, reconhecendo que este facto não permitiu a alguns deles terem o domínio suficiente dos equipamentos informáticos, provocando desconforto, impaciência e alguma desconfiança quanto à credibilidade e fiabilidade do modelo em execução neste processo. O esclarecimento termina indicando que os mais de 800 mil eleitores são apenas estimativas em relação ao número de inscritos, no país e na diáspora. Novas da Guiné-Bissau. ---- Está-se mesmo a ver que em meados de Março será muito difícil qualquer ida às urnas na Guiné-Bissau. Nem o Presidente nem o Governo de Transição, nem os seus mentores, estarão interessados nelas.

RCA: A complexa e arriscada intervenção chadiana

(Reuters) - Chadian peacekeepers fired on a crowd demonstrating against their presence in the capital of Central African Republic, where at least nine people were killed in inter-religious violence on Monday. Protesters said the Chadian gunfire had killed one person and wounded several others. The clash was the latest sign of rising tension between the majority Christian population in Bangui and the Chadian forces, complicating international efforts to calm violence in the large, landlocked African state. Locals accuse the Chadian troops of siding with Seleka fighters, who have unleashed a wave of looting, rapes and killing after toppling President Francois Bozize in March. Many of the Seleka rebels come from neighboring Chad and Sudan. Sporadic fighting took place in several parts of Bangui between Seleka gunmen and members of the Christian self-defense militias, called anti-balaka. A Red Cross official said at least nine bodies had been gathered from the streets of the riverside city on Monday. An officer with the African Union peacekeeping mission (MISCA) confirmed that Chadian peacekeepers had clashed with demonstrators near the airport at Bangui, but gave no details. A spokesman for the international medical charity Medecins Sans Frontieres (MSF) said around 40 people had been treated at its airport medical center after the gunfire, most of them lightly hurt in a panicked stampede. MSF spokesman Martin Searle said one person had been treated for a minor gunshot wound. Three people had been seriously injured after being hit by a vehicle. Protesters said the Chadians drove their vehicle at the crowd after demonstrators threw stones at them. "No Chadians in Bangui" chanted members of the crowd, while others waved placards saying "No to the Chadian army", the protesters said. France has sent 1,600 troops to Central African Republic in a humanitarian mission to protect civilians from inter-religious violence. However, scores of demonstrators took to the streets of Bangui on Sunday to complain that French forces were disarming only Seleka fighters, exposing Muslims to revenge attacks by anti-balaka. The Christian militia killed 1,000 people in two days of violence in early December, according to Amnesty International. Prime Minister Nicolas Tiangaye called a news conference on Monday to confirm that his government supported the French deployment, a day after an adviser to interim President Michel Djotodia said France should withdraw. Chad began flights on Saturday to repatriate its citizens from Bangui airport amid rising resentment against them. Some 500 Chadians have already been evacuated, Chadian officials said. Chadian peacekeepers were accused of standing aside in March to allow Seleka fighters to oust Bozize and to install their leader Djotodia as interim head of state. The Chadian troops are part of a nearly 4,000-strong African Union mission meant to impose peace and security in the volatile, mineral-rich nation at the heart of Africa. The AU operation is due to reach 6,000 troops by late January but analysts say its inefficacy may require a U.N. peacekeeping mission to deploy. U.N. Secretary General Ban Ki-moon is preparing a proposal for a possible mission. Neighboring Democratic Republic of Congo, which is battling decades of violence in its east, said on Saturday it would send 850 troops to join the AU mission in Central African Republic.

Sudão do Sul: O mais sangrento dos Natais

JUBA/UNITED NATIONS, Dec 24 (Reuters) - The U.N. Security Council approved plans on Tuesday to almost double the number of peacekeepers in South Sudan in an effort to protect civilians as reports of mass graves fueled fears of a worsening of ethnic bloodletting in the world's newest state. The 15-member council unanimously authorized a plan by U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon to boost the strength of the force in South Sudan to 12,500 troops and 1,323 police, as some 45,000 civilians seek protection at U.N. bases. The additional personnel will reinforce U.N. bases where civilians are seeking shelter. However Ban warned that "even with additional capabilities, we will not be able to protect every civilian in need in South Sudan." Violence erupted in the capital Juba on Dec. 15 and quickly spread, dividing the land-locked country of 10.8 million along ethnic lines of Nuer and Dinka. South Sudan seceded from Sudan in 2011 under a peace agreement to end decades of war. Western powers and east African states, keen to prevent more chaos in a fragile region, have tried to mediate between President Salva Kiir, a Dinka, and rebel leader Riek Machar, a Nuer, who was vice president until Kiir sacked him in July. "Whatever the differences, nothing can justify the violence that has engulfed their young nation," Ban told the council after the vote. "There is no military solution to this conflict. This is a political crisis which requires a peaceful, political solution." The fighting is affecting oil production in South Sudan, which accounts for 98 percent of government revenue. Petroleum Minister Stephen Dhieu Dau said output had fallen by 45,000 barrels per day to 200,000 bpd after Unity state oilfields shut down. Dau said production in Upper Nile state, where most of South Sudan's oil is extracted, was safe and outside the reach of rebels. Kiir said on Tuesday that government troops had retaken control of the Jonglei state capital Bor, a key town that last week fell to rebels loyal to Machar. Ban said three U.N. personnel were injured at a U.N. base in Bor on Tuesday. Most fighting has involved Dinka and Nuer factions of the Sudan People's Liberation Army, with militias and marauding youths also reported to be attacking rival ethnic groups. Kiir and Machar both have said the conflict is political, not tribal. MASS GRAVE REPORTS U.N. High Commissioner for Human Rights Navi Pillay said a mass grave believed to contain the bodies of 75 ethnic Dinka soldiers had been discovered in the rebel-held city of Bentiu, capital of Unity state. The U.N. mission in South Sudan, known as UNMISS, said in a statement later on Tuesday that it could not confirm the report of a mass grave. It said reports now suggested that "this is an inflation of a skirmish resulting in about 15 fatalities, with details to be confirmed." The Juba government said it was not responsible for a mass grave in Bentiu, and messaged on Twitter: "Bentiu is currently under the control of the rebel leader Riek Machar - we have nothing to do with that area & the mass killings #SouthSudan." Pillay said in a statement that there were also "reportedly at least two other mass graves in Juba." UNMISS said it was investigating reports of atrocities. Pillay urged both sides to protect civilians, and said political and military leaders could be held to account for crimes. "Mass extrajudicial killings, the targeting of individuals on the basis of their ethnicity and arbitrary detentions have been documented in recent days," she said. Hilde Johnson, the U.N. Special Representative of the Secretary-General, said a previous estimate of 500 dead, made on the third day of the 10-day-old conflict, would rise. "It is likely that the numbers are much higher than initial calculations but we do not know," she told reporters in Juba. The U.N. Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs said the crisis had displaced an estimated 81,000 people, though the real number was likely to be higher. Tens of thousands have taken refuge with the U.N. "My cousin and nephew were both caught and executed. How can I leave this place?" asked Gatjang, a 29-year-old Nuer at a U.N. base in Juba where thousands of civilians were crammed. "Even here. What if they sneak inside and attack us?" U.S. MOVES MARINES CLOSER The Pentagon said on Tuesday it had moved about 50 Marines to Uganda out of the roughly 150 it prepositioned this week in Djibouti to assist with any possible further evacuation of U.S. citizens from South Sudan. Uganda shares a border with South Sudan. "This forward posturing provides  additional options and the ability to more quickly respond, if required, to help protect U.S. personnel and facilities," said Colonel Steve Warren, a Pentagon spokesman. Warren added that a refueling aircraft had also been moved to Uganda. The deployment of the special crisis-response team of Marines to Djibouti this week followed an aborted attempt to evacuate U.S. citizens from Bor at the weekend in which four U.S. soldiers were wounded when their military aircraft were hit by ground fire. U.S. citizens and other foreigners were later evacuated from the same area a day later, but it is unclear how many Americans and other foreigners remain in the country. U.S. State Department spokeswoman Jen Psaki said in a statement that U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry had urged Kiir and Machar on Tuesday to accept a cessation of hostilities and begin mediated political talks. She said Donald Booth, the U.S. special envoy to South Sudan, was in Juba trying to secure a final commitment from Kiir and Machar to begin talks. U.N. envoys on prevention of genocide and responsibility to protect, Adama Dieng and Jennifer Welsh, warned that attacks against civilians and U.N. personnel could constitute war crimes or crimes against humanity. While Kiir and Machar have said they are open to talks, Machar said on Monday he would only negotiate if his detained political allies were released, a demand the government swiftly rejected. The African Union's Peace and Security Council on Tuesday called on Kiir to "consider releasing the political personalities currently detained in Juba, in order to facilitate dialogue and to encourage them to contribute positively to the search for a solution."

Conselho de Segurança da ONU necessita de ser reestruturado

Un officiel déplore l'absence de volonté politique pour la réforme du Conseil de sécurité de l'ONU - Le président de l'assemblée générale de l'ONU, John Ashe (Antígua e Barbuda, foto)

, a déploré au cours d'une conférence de presse, jeudi à New-York, 'l'absence de volonté politique' au sein des Etats membres pour procéder à la réforme du Conseil de sécurité de l'ONU, qui traîne depuis longtemps. Les négociations inter-gouvernementales sur la réforme du Conseil de sécurité, a-t-on appris de source bien informée, ont duré 20 ans et les questions essentielles en discussion incluent la catégorie de membre, la question du veto, la représentation régionale et la taille du Conseil élargi. Les autres points portent sur les méthodes de travail du Conseil et ses relations avec l'Assemblée générale de l'ONU. 'Je ne fais aucune prédiction pour l'avenir, mais vos enfants auront le temps de grandir avant que cette question ne soit résolue', a prévenu M. Ashe. Le président de l'Assemblée, qui a passé en revue les trois premiers mois de son mandat, a aussi déploré que rien n'a été fait en ce qui concerne la réforme du Conseil de sécurité de l'ONU durant les années de négociation. 'Tous les concernés parmi lesquels les membres permanents, conviennent de la nécessité de réformer le Conseil de sécurité. En fait, les idées ne manquent pas sur la manière de le faire', a-t-il souligné. Selon M. Ashe, il ne fait aucun doute que tout président de l'Assemblée générale aimerait conduire cette réforme du Conseil de sécurité et le fait qu'il ait résisté jusqu'à présent montre l'ampleur de la tâche. Soulignant que cela n'insinue pas que cette situation devrait dissuader, M. Ashe a également affirmé que bien qu'il n'y ait pas de 'remède miracle' pour résoudre ce problème, lui et son staff n'ont pas l'intention d'accorder toute leur attention à cette question. Pour ce faire, le président a exhorté les Etats membres de l'ONU à parvenir à un consensus afin d'impulser la nécessaire volonté politique pour réaliser la réforme tant attendue du Conseil de sécurité. Le Conseil de sécurité, note-t-on, compte 15 membres dont 5 membres permanents dotés d'un pouvoir de veto. Il s'agit de la Chine, de la France, de la Russie, du Royaume Uni et des Etats Unis d'Amérique. Les autres 10 membres non-permanents sans droit de veto sont élus pour un mandat de deux ans. Pana 21/12/2013

Sudão do Sul: A descida aos infernos dos assassínios étnicos

New evidence is emerging of alleged ethnic killings committed during more than a week of fighting in South Sudan. The violence follows a power struggle between President Salva Kiir, a Dinka, and his Nuer ex-deputy Riek Machar. A reporter in the capital, Juba, quoted witnesses as saying more than 200 people, mostly from the Nuer ethnic group, were shot by security forces. Another man in Juba said gunmen from the majority Dinka ethnic group were shooting people in Nuer areas. The fighting first erupted in Juba last week and has spread throughout South Sudan, with rebels supporting Mr Machar seizing the major towns of Bor and Bentiu, north of the capital. Mr Kiir has accused Mr Machar, who he sacked in July, of mounting a coup. Mr Machar denies he is trying to seize power, while the government has denied it is behind any ethnic violence. The BBC's James Copnall explains the fighting gripping the world's newest state, South Sudan - in 60 seconds The fear is that the personal rivalry between the former allies will spark a full-scale conflict between the Nuer and Dinka groups. 'Eyewitness account' Hannah McNeish, a journalist in Juba, told the BBC that she had interviewed a man called Simon, living at a UN camp, who said he was shot four times but managed to survive a mass killing by hiding under dead bodies. "He tells of being rounded up with about 250 other men, driven to a police station in one of Juba's busiest suburbs. He describes an ordeal whereby over the course of two days, forces outside the windows fired into this room, killing all but 12 men," she said.

McNeish said this account had been corroborated by two other survivors at the camp. Another man interviewed at the UN base in Juba reported that Dinka gunmen were shooting people in Nuer districts who did not speak the Dinka language. UN humanitarian co-ordinator Toby Lanzer, who was in Bor over the weekend, told the BBC he had witnessed "some of the most horrible things that one can imagine". The claims of atrocities have not been independently verified. 'Face the consequences' The official death toll stands at 500, but aid agencies say the true figure is likely to be much higher. Another 81,000 people have been displaced, the UN's humanitarian agency says, with about half seeking shelter at UN bases. It warned many more people could be affected in more remote areas. The UN has 7,000 soldiers deployed in South Sudan, but on Monday, Secretary General Ban Ki-moon urged the Security Council to reassign another 5,500 troops from UN missions in other African countries, including Liberia and the Democratic Republic of Congo. Ban Ki-moon: "The world is watching all sides in South Sudan" He also asked for hundreds more police, three attack helicopters, three transport helicopters and one military transport plane. He has said all reports of human rights violations and crimes against humanity will be investigated and those responsible held accountable. Two Indian peacekeepers were killed last week in a rebel raid on a UN compound. President Kiir has said he is willing to hold talks with Mr Machar - and that a delegation of East African foreign ministers had offered to mediate - but that his former deputy would have to come to the table without any conditions. Mr Machar told Reuters news agency that he was open to dialogue if his political allies were released from detention. Sudan suffered a 22-year civil war that left more than one million people dead before the South became independent in 2011.

Bissau: Frágil para além de 2050

By Jakkie Cilliers and Timothy D. Sisk It is true for Mali and Somalia. But not for Burkina Faso or Kenya. To be labelled a ‘fragile state’ is not something any country in Africa welcomes. The category implies that a country is unable to borrow on the market and faces stringent conditionalities put in place by international financial institutions such as the World Bank. It carries the stigma of incapacity and lack of progress; of poverty, violence and poor governance. Despite the welcome news of ‘Africa rising’, new research shows that ten African states will remain fragile for much longer than previously anticipated. In a recent policy paper, Africa’s 55 countries have been classified as either ‘more fragile’ or ‘more resilient’. By 2050 more than 1 billion people, about half Africa’s population, are forecast to be living in ‘more fragile’ countries. Yet this number could be reduced to only 372 million, or 16% of the continent’s population, with the right interventions. In compiling the list of the 26 ‘more fragile’ countries, the most recent harmonised list of 19 conflict-affected and fragile countries used by the African Development Bank and the World Bank was employed as a starting point. Seven other countries that repeatedly showed up on other lists of fragility and state failure were added to this. The key characteristics of this group of 26 ‘more fragile’ countries were then analysed to see which could exit from the fragility syndrome over time, and what effect changes in violence, governance, poverty and exclusion would have.

However, others in the original grouping – Eritrea, Liberia, Rwanda and Sierra Leone – should exit from the fragility syndrome between 2030 and 2050. The remaining 12 countries in the original group of 26 – Burundi, Cameroon, Chad, Côte d’Ivoire, Ethiopia, Guinea, Malawi, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Uganda and Zimbabwe – might shake off the label of fragility by 2030 or even earlier. A fragile state is one in which armed conflict and violence threaten the lives of the country’s citizens and prevent them from making a decent living. It is a state where inequality and exclusion are rife, with the majority of the population remaining poor, despite its having rich natural resources in many cases. It is also a country with very poor governance, where the state is often simply absent and doesn’t provide basic services such as schools, hospitals and roads. All these factors are often present at the same time; an explosive cocktail of problems that trap countries in constant fragility. Clearly, conflict zones are particularly fragile. They are caught in a vicious circle in which instability prevents people from undertaking normal economic activities and prevents the state from functioning as it should. In other words, it undermines development and governance. This, in turn, creates poverty and state weakness, which provide fertile ground for more conflict. Experts agree that old wars lead to new ones. A country with a history of armed conflict is more likely to slide back into war than one that has never experienced it. Recent events in Mozambique, hitherto seen as a poster child for development, show how deeply embedded conflict and instability can be, with violence erupting even after several decades of relative peace. Unsurprisingly, Sudan, South Sudan, Somalia and the DRC are all trapped in conflict situations that are very difficult to untangle. The data gathered for this study clearly indicates that there should be a greater commitment to peacebuilding and development in the war-ravaged Horn of Africa and the Great Lakes region, where the majority of ‘more fragile’ countries are located. History certainly can’t be swept under the carpet in the discussion about fragile states. One must keep in mind, for instance, that the delayed process of state formation in Africa’s more fragile countries is taking place in a rushed and sometimes chaotic way. Three historical processes of state formation are evident from studies on Europe and elsewhere – the consolidation of state security, building of state capacity and the transformation to greater inclusion. In other parts of the world these processes took place over a long time, but they are happening simultaneously in Africa. The process is open-ended and the state is constantly being challenged by the impact of globalisation. Ultimately, the process of moving from greater fragility to greater resilience is deeply political. It is, after all, essentially about ‘defining and redefining the relationship between the government and its citizens’ within a specific territorial unit. Fortunately, state fragility is not cast in stone. With the necessary domestic ownership, leadership and external support, more countries can move from being more fragile towards greater resilience. In this process, the benefits in higher GDP and income per capita that appropriate policies could hold for each of the 26 more fragile countries are quantified. Innovations that have worked elsewhere in Africa could be put in place in fragile states to better the lives of their citizens. Countries like Ethiopia, Malawi, Liberia, Sierra Leone and possibly Niger could in the near future get important windfalls from newly discovered oil and gas resources. If some of the associated income were distributed in the form of cash grants to the poorest of the poor, this could raise their standard of living to such an extent that they could become productive and hopefully taxpaying citizens. This in turn could strengthen the state. If governments don’t spread the wealth, they should be brought to book and named and shamed by international initiatives such as the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative and Publish What You Pay. These also force private companies and multinationals to play the game and help build a better Africa. International donors and financial institutions like the African Development Bank and the World Bank have a role to play in lifting the most fragile countries out of a perpetual state of crisis. However, it is necessary to have good data on what is really going on in many of these less frequented locations in order to draw up effective strategies. The analysis referred to here is based on the best data available internationally, but much of that data is outdated and may even be misleading. So-called ‘big data’ can help by filling the gaps in our existing system of knowledge. Certainly fresh ideas are needed in this difficult and long-term process to help Africa’s most vulnerable states, and the study concludes with a series of recommendations that seek to address some of the more common challenges. This is a cross-post from ISS Africa. -------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Jakkie Cilliers, Executive Director, ISS and Timothy D. Sisk, Professor of International and Comparative Politics, Josef Korbel School of International Studies, University of Denver.

Sudão do Sul: A fuga dos norte-americanos

(CNN) -- All Americans who presented themselves at the United Nations camp in Bor, South Sudan, were evacuated safely Sunday amid deadly violence in the country, the State Department said. A State Department official said about 15 Americans were flown out. U.S. personnel are working to confirm that no other U.S. citizens remain in Bor in need of evacuation, a State Department official said. "This morning, the United States -- in coordination with the United Nations and in consultation with the South Sudanese government -- safely evacuated American citizens from Bor, South Sudan," State Department spokeswoman Jen Psaki said in a statement. "U.S. citizens and citizens from our partner nations were flown from Bor to Juba on U.N. and U.S. civilian helicopters. The United States and the United Nations, which has the lead for securing Bor airport in South Sudan, took steps to ensure fighting factions were aware these flights were a humanitarian mission." Four U.S. troops injured in South Sudan "The U.S. government is doing everything possible to ensure the safety and security of United States citizens in South Sudan. We are working with our allies around the world to connect with and evacuate U.S. citizens as quickly and safely as possible," Psaki said. The United Nations moved noncritical staff out of South Sudan's capital, Juba, across the border into Uganda on Sunday, as the violence spread inside the world's newest country. U.N. civilian staff were moved from a compound in the flashpoint town of Bor to Juba on Saturday, the same day a U.S. mission to airlift Americans out was aborted when the aircraft came under fire. U.S. President Barack Obama said in a letter to congressional leaders Sunday that 46 U.S. service members took part in the mission, and he noted he "may take further action to support the security of U.S. citizens, personnel and property, including our Embassy, in South Sudan." Four U.S. troops were wounded in the attack in Bor and were expected to be moved to the U.S. military hospital at Landstuhl, Germany, a senior U.S. official told CNN earlier Sunday. One of the injured "went through some pretty serious surgery" after being taken to Nairobi, Kenya, for wounds from the gunshots fired at the aircraft. All four have been able to speak to their families. Thousands displaced Hundreds of people have been killed in a week of fighting, which has spread from Juba to oil fields farther north. South Sudanese President Salva Kiir blamed soldiers loyal to his former vice president, Riek Machar, for starting the violence. Up to 40,000 civilians have taken refuge in United Nations bases in the country, Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon said Sunday. "There are many more thousands of people who are very much in fear and vulnerable, and at this time, the priority of the United Nations is to (protect) the lives of civilians," Ban told a news conference in the Philippines. The U.N. Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs estimates some 62,000 people have been displaced in total, with five of South Sudan's ten states affected by the violence. The U.N. has said some 20 people were killed during an attack Thursday by about 2,000 armed youths on a U.N. peacekeeping base in Jonglei state. Two Indian peacekeepers were also killed. After the attack, the assailants fled with arms, ammunition and other supplies, the U.N. said. 'We will not be intimidated' In a statement Sunday, the U.N. said it had made the decision to relocate noncritical staff from Juba to Entebbe, Uganda, as "a precautionary measure to reduce pressures on its limited resources," while still providing assistance and shelter to more than 20,000 civilians who have gathered at its compounds in the capital. The U.N. Mission in South Sudan is planning to reinforce its military presence in Bor and Pariang, the organization said. Plans are also under way to relocate all noncritical staff from the U.N. compound near Bentiu in Unity state, and reinforcements will also be sent in. "We are not abandoning South Sudan. We are here to stay, and will carry on in our collective resolve to work with and for the people of South Sudan," U.N. envoy Hilde F. Johnson said in the statement. "To anyone who wants to threaten us, attack us or put obstacles in our way, our message remains loud and clear: we will not be intimidated." Ban said the U.N. would "transfer our assets from other peacekeeping missions," such as the one in the Democratic Republic of Congo and other areas, to the troubled country. "We also seeking support from other key countries who can provide the necessary assets," he said. "We are in shortage of capacity. When the United Nations compound was overrun by 2,000 armed elements, we were having difficulties." Echoing calls from Western governments, Ban urged an end to the violence and called on Kiir and Machar "to come to the table and find a political way out of this crisis." "They are responsible to the people of South Sudan to end the crisis and find the political means of addressing their differences," he said. Ban said he had dispatched a special representative to Juba to work with the U.N. envoy in the city. Washington is also sending an envoy. Tensions have been high in South Sudan since July, when Kiir dismissed Machar and the rest of the Cabinet. The move inflamed tensions between Kiir's Dinka community and Machar's Nuer community. South Sudan formally split from Sudan in 2011 after a referendum, following decades of conflict. Numerous armed groups remain active in the oil-rich country.

Bissau: Guiné, país de muitos tráficos

A comissão de inquérito ao incidente que se verificou com um voo da TAP no qual 74 sírios viajaram com passaportes falsos de Bissau para Lisboa concluiu que foi precisamente o ministro do Interior do Governo de Transição, António Suka Ntchama, a pessoa que “exigiu” o embarque dos passageiros, que já antes tinham passado por Marrocos. De acordo com o relatório da comissão de inquérito, só parcialmente divulgado, “houve de facto uma intervenção directa” do ministro, que alegou “motivos de segurança interna”, não especificados, para a saída dos sírios do território guineense, pelo qual têm passado tráficos de vária espécie. Segundo o documento, algo contraditário, “não houve (porém) coacção nem física nem armada em relação à tripulação da TAP, nem ao chefe de escala” da companhia aérea. A ordem do embarque dos 74 sírios teria sido dada pelo director-geral de escalas das delegações da TAP em África, a partir de Lisboa, possivelmente para que o aparelho não ficasse retido no aeroporto de Bissalanca. Na sequência deste incidente, que representa a falta de um Estado de Direito na Guiné-Bissau, a TAP suspendeu os voos para esse país, com grande transtorno para largas centenas de pessoas. O próprio ministro da Justiça, Saido Baldé, que presidiu à comissão de inquérito, reconheceu que o Aeroporto Internacional Osvaldo Vieira, em Bissalanca, a alguns quilómetros de Bissau, está a ser utilizado "por uma rede internacional" de tráfico de imigrantes. Mas disse que os guineenses vão pedir à TAP que retome os voos directos para território guineense. Este episódio, numa altura em que o recenseamento eleitoral se está a processar de uma forma muito lenta, nada indicando que possa terminar dentro de três ou quatro semanas, levanta sérias dúvidas sobre a possibilidade de na Guiné-Bissau se gerar um ambiente propício a que haja mesmo eleições presidenciais e legislativas no mês de Março de 2014. Nem os militares que têm a última palavra sobre tudo o que se passa em solo guineense, nem o Presidente interino Manuel Serifo Nhamadjo nem o Governo de transição, chefiado por Rui Barros, parecem minimamente interessados em que antes de quatro meses o povo possa escolher livremente quem é que o deverá dirigir. O próprio dr. José Ramos-Horta, representante especial do secretário-geral das Nações Unidas, Ban Ki-moon, desistiu do tom esperançoso que há meses colocava nas suas intervenções, mostrando-se agora claramente céptico quanto à hipótese de eleições gerais serem concretizadas entre Março e Abril. O antigo Presidente timorense confessou há dias a sua impotência, ao reconhecer que a ONU está demasiado preocupada com outras situações, como a da Síria ou a da República Centro-Africana, para se ralar demasiado com o que acontece na Guiné-Bissau, uma espécie de quintal ignorado pela maior parte dos executivos mundiais. Enquanto assim for, enquanto não houver um punhado de guineenses de boa vontade que tenha a firme determinação de acabar com o actual estado de coisas, e que consiga meios para o fazer, o pequeno país criado há 40 anos pelo PAIGC vai continuar refém de umas Forças Armadas eivadas de defeitos e de um lote de políticos ambiciosos e corruptos que pouco mais vêem do que o seu próprio interesse. O mais provável, portanto, é que durante os próximos quatro meses continuemos a não ter notícias particularmente boas da Guiné-Bissau. Jorge Heitor

Sudão do Sul: As esperanças malogradas

En quelques jours, le Soudan du Sud a basculé sur la pente de la guerre civile. Sur fonds de rivalités politiques internes, de vieux conflits ethniques menaçant de se réveiler et d'enjeux pétroliers colossaux... Décryptage d'une situation explosive. Aux origines de la crise actuelle Le Soudan du Sud est le plus jeune État du monde. Il a été officiellement fondé le 9 juillet 2011, après avoir arraché son indépendance au Soudan, à l’issue de plus de vingt ans d’une guerre civile dévastatrice (1983-2005). Plus de dix millions de Sud-Soudanais se détachaient alors de la tutelle de Khartoum, grâce à un référendum d’autodétermination prévu par des accords de paix signés en 2005. Deux ans après la sécession, malgré un récent rapprochement entre les gouvernements des deux pays, les relations entre Djouba et Khartoum restent très délicates, en particulier lorsqu’il s’agit de départager la production pétrolière (voir plus bas). À l’intérieur des frontières sud-soudanaises, la situation générale est loin des espoirs soulevés par l’acquisition de l’indépendance, en 2011. Malgré la rente pétrolière – le Soudan du Sud dispose de 75 % des réserves de l’ancien Soudan -, le niveau de pauvreté reste très élevé et le pays dépourvu d’infrastructures de base (routes, hôpitaux, écoles…). Côté politique, les grandes promesses de renouveau du président Salva Kiir n’ont pas été réalisées. Selon plusieurs organisations humanitaires, les violations des droits de l’homme se multiplient tandis que la corruption est généralisée à tous les niveaux de l'État. S’ajoutent à ce sombre tableau de fortes rivalités au sein du parti au pouvoir, le Mouvement populaire de libération du Soudan (SPLM), ex-branche politique de la rébellion sudiste. Deux clans principaux s’affrontent à sa tête et donc pour la main-mise sur l'ensemble du pays : celui du président Salva Kiir contre celui de l’ancien vice-président Riek Machar. Les protagonistes de la crise : Salva Kiir et Riek Machar Ancienne figure de la rébellion sudiste, Salva Kiir dirige le SPLM et est président du Soudan du Sud depuis sa création, en juillet 2011. Il est en conflit larvé avec son vieux rival politique et ex-vice-président, Riek Machar, lui aussi ancien rebelle. En juillet dernier, celui-ci avait ouvertement déclaré son intention de se présenter à l’élection présidentielle de 2015 contre Kiir. Évidemment, cette annonce n’a pas plu au sommet de l’État et le couperet est tombé peu après : le vice-président et plusieurs ministres proches ont été limogés du gouvernement. Depuis, la guerre est ouverte entre les deux hommes. En novembre, Riek Machar et ses lieutenants ont dénoncé les "tendances dictatoriales" de Salva Kiir. La tension est encore montée d’un cran, le 15 décembre, lorsque de violents affrontements entre factions rivales de l’armée ont éclaté à Djouba pendant que les autorités affirmaient avoir déjoué une tentative de coup d’État. Alors que Salva Kiir s’empressait de pointer du doigt son rival – plusieurs observateurs y voyant un moyen de se débarrasser définitivement de lui -, Riek Machar se défaussait de toute responsabilité, tout en affirmant qu’il ne voulait plus de Kiir comme président du Soudan du Sud. Les affrontements armés se poursuivent depuis entre les deux clans, faisant plusieurs centaines de morts et jetant des milliers de déplacés sur les routes, la majorité cherchant à trouver refuge dans les bases de l’ONU. Plus inquiétant, il existe désormais un risque que les combats se muent en tueries interethniques entre les communautés Dinka du président Kiir et Nuer de Riek Machar, opposées depuis de vieux ressentiments remontant à la guerre civile. L’enjeu pétrolier Le pétrole est un enjeu crucial du conflit actuel au Soudan du Sud. La production pétrolière représente 95% des revenus du pays. De son côté, Khartoum dépend aussi de cette rente, taxant fortement le pétrole acheminé à travers son immense territoire via des oléoducs. Les combats entre forces loyales à Salva Kiir et combattants liés à Riek Machar sont particulièrement sanglants dans l’État pétrolier d’Unité, au nord du pays. Ce week-end, les rebelles ont pris sa capitale, Bentiu, au prix de violents affrontements. Ils tenaient également Bor, capitale de l’État voisin instable du Jonglei, que l'armée s'apprêtait à reprendre lundi. Face à cette situation explosive, les sociétés pétrolières ont déjà commencé à évacuer leur personnel, à l’image de la compagnie étatique chinoise China national petroleum corp (CNPC). Ces derniers jours, des centaines d’employés étrangers, notamment Chinois et Pakistanais, tentaient de quitter le pays au plus vite. Si les installations pétrolières n’ont pas été directement touchées par les combats, la production devrait être progressivement réduite. Une situation instable que le Soudan voisin ne devrait pas accepter très longtemps. L’inquiétude des États-Unis et de la communauté internationale La situation au Soudan du Sud préoccupe les États-Unis, qui ont surveillé de près le processus de partition des deux Soudans. Washington a envoyé dimanche son émissaire régional, Donald Booth, à Djouba, et une centaine de soldats américains sont officiellement présents sur place pour procéder à l’évacuation de leurs compatriotes. Quatre militaires ont été blessés ce week-end à Bor dans ces opérations, poussant le président Barack Obama à déclarer qu’il se tenait prêt à prendre de nouvelles mesures "si nécessaire" pour assurer la sécurité de ses ressortissants et des biens américains au Soudan du Sud. Plusieurs autres pays - le Royaume-Uni, le Kenya, l'Ouganda ou encore le Liban - ont également ordonné l'évacuation de leurs citoyens. Les organisations humanitaires et internationales se montrent très inquiètes de la détérioration de la situation au Soudan du Sud. Le secrétaire général de l'ONU, Ban Ki-moon, a ainsi demandé "que tous les dirigeants politiques, militaires et les milices cessent les hostilités et mettent fin à la violence contre les civils" tandis que le Comité international de la Croix-Rouge (CICR) s'est déclaré "alarmé" des violences commises contre les civils. Après une médiation de trois jours menée par une délégation de ministres des Affaires étrangères d'Afrique de l'Est, le président Salva Kiir a promis, dimanche, de "mener un dialogue sans conditions" avec son rival Riek Machar. Celui-ci n'a pour le moment pas répondu à cette offre. Lire l'article sur Jeuneafrique.com